LSE Studies in Spanish History – serie
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84 produkter
84 produkter
Häftad, Engelska, 2019
609 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
For more than three generations, the members of the Godo family controlled Barcelonas top-selling newspaper La Vanguardia, navigating it through the countrys turbulent 20th century. Whether under the corrupt politics of the Bourbon Restoration, the radical transformations of the Second Republic or the tragedy of the Spanish Civil War, La Vanguardia remained Barcelonas indisputable journalistic benchmark. Central to this success was the Godo familys extraordinary capacity to meet the changing tastes of a plural audience whilst adjusting to a changing political scenario. In parallel, the ownership of the newspaper allowed family members to expand their interests to other fields, such as politics, business and colonial rule in Cuba and Morocco. The long-standing reputation of the Godo dynasty, however, is in sharp contrast with the lack of studies about their members and the newspaper they founded. This silence is due, in part, to the influence that La Vanguardia still exerts on public life today. Drawing on hitherto unused archival material, this book is the first account about the most renowned publishers and the most important newspaper in Catalonias history. In so doing, it also sheds new light on how the media shaped (and conditioned) Europes birth of mass politics. In fact, while contemporaries often observed that newspapers had a powerful influence over public affairs, historians have not systematically examined the role of press owners as political actors. Likewise, media specialists have seldom considered how the rise of the new mass press affected democratisation and the collapse of liberal institutions. In contrast, Pol Dalmau focuses on the case of a renowned family in Barcelona to uncover the medias critical role in Europes uneven road to modernity. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies
Inbunden, Engelska, 2020
1 816 kr
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A prequel to the authors previous monographs on the Great War and the Foundations of the Spanish Civil War, this book analyses the troubled and often violent path of Spain to modernity. During the nearly 30 years of history explored (18921921), the country appeared to be caught in a kind of Groundhog Day. It was rocked in the 1890s by an ill-fated colonial adventure and a spiral of anarchist terrorism and praetorian-led repression, mostly in Barcelona, which culminated with the murder of the Conservative prime minister, Antonio Canovas, in August 1897. Twenty-four years later, Spain was undergoing a similar set of circumstances: a military quagmire in Morocco and vicious social warfare, with its epicentre in the Catalan capital, which resulted in the killing of the then Conservative prime minister, Eduardo Dato, in March 1921. The chronological framework highlights the gradual crisis, but also resilience, of the ruling Restoration Monarchy. Francisco Romero Salvado pursues the thesis that this crisis could be largely explained by focusing on the correlation between two apparently contradictory conceptual terms, but which in fact proved to be supplementary: the extent to which the persistence of the political comedy embodied by an unreformed liberal but oligarchic order perpetuated a social tragedy. Notwithstanding the peculiarity of the authors approach, this study rejects any notion of determinism or exceptionalism. On the contrary, Spain was not an extraordinary case within the European context but constituted a laboratory par excellence of the turmoil which marked this age. Indeed, a watershed period of fast technological progress, economic modernization and cultural awareness clashed head-on with traditional constitutional and liberal states that found they were unable to retain their past hegemony in the dawning era of mass politics. The outcome was unprecedented social warfare which led in many cases to a reactionary backlash and the establishment of authoritarian formulas of governance. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies
Häftad, Engelska, 2020
685 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
A prequel to the authors previous monographs on the Great War and the Foundations of the Spanish Civil War, this book analyses the troubled and often violent path of Spain to modernity. During the nearly 30 years of history explored (18921921), the country appeared to be caught in a kind of Groundhog Day. It was rocked in the 1890s by an ill-fated colonial adventure and a spiral of anarchist terrorism and praetorian-led repression, mostly in Barcelona, which culminated with the murder of the Conservative prime minister, Antonio Canovas, in August 1897. Twenty-four years later, Spain was undergoing a similar set of circumstances: a military quagmire in Morocco and vicious social warfare, with its epicentre in the Catalan capital, which resulted in the killing of the then Conservative prime minister, Eduardo Dato, in March 1921. The chronological framework highlights the gradual crisis, but also resilience, of the ruling Restoration Monarchy. Francisco Romero Salvado pursues the thesis that this crisis could be largely explained by focusing on the correlation between two apparently contradictory conceptual terms, but which in fact proved to be supplementary: the extent to which the persistence of the political comedy embodied by an unreformed liberal but oligarchic order perpetuated a social tragedy. Notwithstanding the peculiarity of the authors approach, this study rejects any notion of determinism or exceptionalism. On the contrary, Spain was not an extraordinary case within the European context but constituted a laboratory par excellence of the turmoil which marked this age. Indeed, a watershed period of fast technological progress, economic modernization and cultural awareness clashed head-on with traditional constitutional and liberal states that found they were unable to retain their past hegemony in the dawning era of mass politics. The outcome was unprecedented social warfare which led in many cases to a reactionary backlash and the establishment of authoritarian formulas of governance. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies
Häftad, Engelska, 2019
534 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
The five-year period following the proclamation of the Republic in April 1931 was marked by physical assaults upon the property and public ritual of the Spanish Catholic Church. These attacks were generally carried out by rural and urban anticlerical workers who were frustrated by the Republic's practical inability to tackle the Church's vast power. On 17- 18 July 1936, a right-wing military rebellion divided Spain geographically, provoking the radical fragmentation of power in territory which remained under Republican authority. The coup marked the beginning of a conflict which developed into a full-scale civil war. Anticlerical protagonists, with the reconfigured structure of political opportunities working in their favour, participated in an unprecedented wave of iconoclasm and violence against the clergy. During the first six months of the conflict, innumerable religious buildings were destroyed and almost 7,000 religious personnel were killed. To date, scholarly interpretations of these violent acts were linked to irrationality, criminality and primitiveness. However, the reasons for these outbursts are more complex and deep-rooted: Spanish popular anti-clericalism was undergoing a radical process of reconfiguration during the first three decades of the twentieth century. During a period of rapid social, cultural and political change, anticlerical acts took on new -- explicitly political -- meanings, becoming both a catalyst and a symptom of social change. After 17--18 July 1936, anticlerical violence became a constructive force for many of its protagonists: an instrument with which to build a new society. This book explores the motives, mentalities and collective identities of the groups involved in anti-clericalism during the pre-war Spanish Second Republic and the Spanish Civil War, and is essential reading for all those interested in twentieth-century Spanish history. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies.
Inbunden, Engelska, 2019
1 816 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
Despite over 20,000 published books on the Spanish civil war, it remains the case that the social and cultural dimensions of the conflict have been relatively under-researched. Ruptura focuses on how nationalism, and extremist conceptions and projects, defined daily life experiences in both the battlefield and civilian cities and towns. A principal objective is to demonstrate that the civil war was not a struggle waged between ideologies disconnected from the preoccupations and daily lives of the Spanish people. A tripartite division of the chapter contributions -- Construction of the war; Wartime experiences; Memory and legacies -- brings to light the climate of violence, the social and symbolic transformations resulting from political divergence, and the widespread uncertainty that shaped the behavior, attitudes, lifestyles, practices and experiences of both combatants and civilians. New theoretical approaches on so-called war studies are addressed and engaged with. Several contributions frame their analyses within the international context of radicalization and political violence of interwar Europe. However, attention to the European frame does not diminish the importance accorded throughout the volume to the events that occurred in Spain. Without an understanding of the development of extremist projects, ideologies and attitudes in their particular and international dimensions it is impossible to explain the atmosphere of severe social radicalization and the unprecedented levels of violence reached during and after the civil war. In present times, when the relationship of extremism and nationalism to civil war is once again at the heart of public discourse and a preoccupation of media and governments, an historical perspective on these questions could not be more timely or necessary. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies.
Häftad, Engelska, 2019
761 kr
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This history of the anarcho-syndicalist trade union, the Confederacion Nacional del Trabajo, analyses a period much neglected in historical research: from the end of the civil war in 1939 to the period of democratic change from 1976 to 1979, when the organisation was reconstructed after Francos death. The Franco years were characterised by extraordinary division within the CNT and by the bureaucratisation and ossification of the organisation now part in exile in France. The decimation of the Spanish CNT in 1947 by draconian repression enhanced the role of the exiled CNT, which was now the sole representative of the historic Anarchist movement in Spain. The moribund notion of Anarchism held by the exiled organisation could not attract recruits, and thus new forces drawn to Anarchism in 1960s Spain came through different routes, related, in large part, to the crisis within Marxism. Some of these local activists became convinced of the possibility for a reconstructed CNT, but only if the organisation were renewed. However, the exiled CNT opposed such ideas and used all possible means to undermine the movement for a new CNT. Although the reconstruction of the CNT from 1976 was characterised by the struggle between these two principal forces, the Spanish CNT captured the feelings and enthusiasm of Spanish youth, after the long dark night of Francoism. The libertarian boom was short-lived however, and by 1978 the CNT was in deep crisis, calling for the dissolution of the exiled organisation. The latter, and its allies in Spain, could not allow such a development and organised the Congress of 1979 to prevent this happening. The subsequent irrevocable division of the CNT sheds lights on the political, social and economic fractures that Spain still experiences today. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies, LSE
Häftad, Engelska, 2019
534 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
Over eight-hundred letters were written between the authors newly-engaged parents during the time that her father was on the Republican war front fighting against Francos forces, and her mother awaiting the end of the war. Her father, Professor Juan Luis Alborg, would live to become a well-known literary historian and critic. Her mothers life, on the other hand, was overshadowed by her husbands academic celebrity. The letters were discovered whilst preparing for a symposium marking the centenary of her fathers birth, celebrated at the University of Malaga in 2014. This unique memoir is a microhistory of the Spanish Civil War at an individual level; it illuminates the official story as told in history books at multiple levels. Her mothers personal narrative adds to the understanding of this significant time because she shows how a family lived in the midst of war. A primary relevance is that she lived in Valencia, which in November 1936 become the official capital of the Republican government. Working in a government co-op gave her an insiders view of the ongoing political and military situation. She describes the contrasting burdens between family life in Valencia, and the life of her fiance soldier on the southern frontlines. The authors mother is exemplary of the women who were formed under the liberal Second Spanish Republic (1931-39) only to be silenced during Francos repressive dictatorship (1939-75). The long-lost letters made Concha Alborg realise how little she understood her mothers passion to set down complex feelings in the most difficult of circumstances. This book will be of interest to Hispanists, historians and literary critics for its uniqueness on the epistolary genre and gender studies, and to the general public as a heartfelt family memoir.
Inbunden, Engelska, 2019
1 816 kr
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In October 1936, as the Spanish Civil War turned a tension in peripheral Europe into a European disaster, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy signed a series of agreements detailing the need for a common action to prevent the creation and consolidation of a Catalan State. The backdrop to the revolutionary charades, the self-evident dangers of totalitarian states, and the conservative enthusiasms of Francos Spanish nationalists lay in the potential of Catalonia seceding. What would be the internal and international implications? The postwar world of 19191923 created political patterns that gave heart to many sub-state nationalisms patterns that hardened into conflictual shape, especially after the rise of Hitler in early 1933. Contributors to the volume trace the convictions of journalists, observers and diplomats that a Catalan split-off was inevitable. But Catalan politics blew in quite another way, later reacting to Soviet dis-interest and British indecisiveness, amongst a host of other pressures. Placing Catalonia and the Catalan nationalist movement in the foreground of contemporary Spanish discourse reveals why present internal complexities require a historical dimension that takes into account early twentieth-century pan-European/ pan-international movements that supported or decried secession, albeit for widely differing nationalist motives. Not least were the perceived and feared reactions of minority populations, and the potential strategic geographic/diplomatic consequences for European leaders. In a way, the unfolding of antagonisms on the international and European scene led to the internal Spanish conflict. The Illusion of Statehood takes the reader away from the bluster of left/right politics and the potentialities of social revolution toward a better understanding of how Catalan independence was viewed by European states and powers. This thoughtfully argued book is essential reading for all historians and students of twentieth-century European history. It provides a much-needed reasoned perspective on the Catalan issue and its historical antecedents.
Häftad, Engelska, 2019
609 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
In October 1936, as the Spanish Civil War turned a tension in peripheral Europe into a European disaster, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy signed a series of agreements detailing the need for a common action to prevent the creation and consolidation of a Catalan State. The backdrop to the revolutionary charades, the self-evident dangers of totalitarian states, and the conservative enthusiasms of Francos Spanish nationalists lay in the potential of Catalonia seceding. What would be the internal and international implications? The postwar world of 19191923 created political patterns that gave heart to many sub-state nationalisms patterns that hardened into conflictual shape, especially after the rise of Hitler in early 1933. Contributors to the volume trace the convictions of journalists, observers and diplomats that a Catalan split-off was inevitable. But Catalan politics blew in quite another way, later reacting to Soviet dis-interest and British indecisiveness, amongst a host of other pressures. Placing Catalonia and the Catalan nationalist movement in the foreground of contemporary Spanish discourse reveals why present internal complexities require a historical dimension that takes into account early twentieth-century pan-European/ pan-international movements that supported or decried secession, albeit for widely differing nationalist motives. Not least were the perceived and feared reactions of minority populations, and the potential strategic geographic/diplomatic consequences for European leaders. In a way, the unfolding of antagonisms on the international and European scene led to the internal Spanish conflict. The Illusion of Statehood takes the reader away from the bluster of left/right politics and the potentialities of social revolution toward a better understanding of how Catalan independence was viewed by European states and powers. This thoughtfully argued book is essential reading for all historians and students of twentieth-century European history. It provides a much-needed reasoned perspective on the Catalan issue and its historical antecedents.
Häftad, Engelska, 2019
551 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
From her home at 9 Adams Road in the university city of Cambridge, Alice Roughton (19001995) demonstrated a strongly altruistic lifestyle, housing young students, the mentally ill, artists, intellectuals, friends, persecuted homosexuals and refugees (German Jews in 1939, Hungarians in 1956 and Chileans in 1973). She practiced psychiatry and general medicine alongside personal activism such as medics against nuclear warfare and opposing the financing of urbanisation the latter related to the destruction of the historical centres of English cities. Alice was a patron of artists and intellectuals, including the Catalan musician Robert Gerhard and the German dancer Kurt Jooss. She befriended the economists J. M. Keynes and Joan Robinson, the philosopher Bertrand Russell, the astrophysicist Stephen Hawking, the molecular biologist James Watson, as well as the composer Benjamin Britten, who held memorable concerts at her house, as well as many other dignitaries of science and the humanities. The House of Alice Roughton locates her professional medical work and private life activities and relationships within the sociological circumstances within which she lived circumstances that reveal the historical and cultural changes of a century that experienced two world wars, the advance of science and the overturning of lifestyle prejudices. The biography revolves around one location 9 Adams Road. Alice and her familys lived experiences act as a window onto the profound global transformations which took place from the second industrial revolution to the discovery of the structure of DNA From the Edwardian to the Contemporary. Her familys life story moves through tragic events in Switzerland to her husbands war years in America. Her biographers engagement with Alice begins in 1978, on a student holiday trip from his native Catalonia.
Häftad, Engelska, 2019
621 kr
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Dr. Juan Negrín López (1892-1956) was a man of immense talent, energy, and socialist convictions who served the Spanish people in different capacities: as a physiologist of international reputation and as chairman of the medical faculty of the Complutense University in Madrid during the 1920s; as an active member of the Parliamentary wing of the Socialist Party, 1931-1936; during the Civil War as Minister of Finance in the Popular Front government led by Francisco Largo Caballero (September 1936-May 1937); and as Prime Minister from late May until March 1939. In all these roles he was highly competent: improving the laboratories and experimental methods in physiology, obtaining scholarships for students, suggesting subjects for doctoral theses, encouraging his students to learn foreign languages and read scientific literature in the original, and also to think of public health as a national, public responsibility. As Minister of Finance he conceived of Spain's relatively large gold reserve as the only means by which the Republic could buy the quality of modern arms that were being supplied to General Franco by Hitler and Mussolini. In European politics of the mid-1930s he understood much better than did the English, French, and United States political classes that Nazism and Fascism were a much greater threat to European democracy than was Soviet Communism. But the appeasement policy culminating in the Munich Pact of September 29, 1938 sealed the fate of the Spanish Republic as well as that of the Republic of Czechoslovakia. From 1940 onward Negrín was reviled in Franco Spain for having supposedly delivered the Republic into the hands of the Communists; many republican and socialist exiles also rejected him for continuing his Numantian policy of resistance when, after Munich, the military possibilities of the Republic were truly hopeless. Gabriel Jackson sets out to understand the moral and political thinking of Dr. Negrín of those who supported him to the end and of those who felt that the last months of the war merely prolonged the suffering of the population. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies.
Inbunden, Engelska, 2021
1 764 kr
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It is common to think that Latin countries, in southern Europe or Latin America, are naturally corrupt regions when, in reality, this is a modern-day cliche that merely legitimises alleged superiority. This book provides the interpretative tools to investigate political corruption in contemporary Spain and its colonies, in a comparative and interdisciplinary historical perspective, conducted and developed by specialists in economic history, political and administrative history, and political science. Addressing the historical functionality of corruption in Spain, and its weakening of the democratic ideal, provides an investigatory template and research model for combating and better understanding the evolution of corruption in Western democracies and other international arenas. Key to the investigation are the interrelations established between political power bases and different economic interest groups, against the background of elites who have become state players over time. The most frequent corrupt practices are bribery, favouritism, tax fraud, embezzlement of public funds, revolving appointment doors, influence peddling and political control of local territories through electoral corruption (caciquismo). Discussion centres on preventative measures to combat such practices. These behaviours exist historically both in continental Europe and in Great Britain, but with notable differences regarding the impunity of crimes, the lack of division of administrative and political oversight, and the absence of a culture of accountability. Chapter contributions explain the impact and circumstances of corruption in business, the economy, and national and local administrations. The work covers a wide historical range, including the imperial penetration of corruption in Restoration Bourbon Spain; hunger and bribery under the Franco regime; and the consequences of the financial crisis of 2008. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies.
Häftad, Engelska, 2022
666 kr
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The processes associated with globalisation have seen Catalonia become an increasingly ethnolinguistically diverse region. A vibrant civic and political movement for an independence has brought a renewed urgency to questions about what it means, personally and politically, to speak or not to speak Catalan or Spanish in 21st century Catalonia. This book examines the attitudes of members of independence organisations toward the Catalan and Spanish languages against the backdrop of the independence movement. A multifaceted socio-political and socio-cultural situation is reflected in what speakers think about the languages, how they perceive them and how understanding this can reveal the complex configuration of language and identity politics. Research using focus groups and narrative interviews was conducted with members of independence organisations operating in the Catalan city of Girona. Analysis of the data reveals a diversity of attitudes toward both Catalan and Spanish, with both languages being mobilised in diverse combinations for a wide range of purposes. Qualitative methodology revealed the ways in which Catalan and Spanish are currently being practised, and the symbolic and functional role the languages play in articulating a sense of modern-day Catalan identity. Respondents indicate that, against the backdrop of the independence process in the region, globalisation and migration, bilingualism and multilingualism, have become highly valued in modern Catalonia for a myriad of different reasons. Research findings bring to the fore the complex matrix of political, ethnic and linguistic allegiance which has important implications for similar national independence situations in the rest of the world. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies
Häftad, Engelska, 2020
534 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
On the day in 1936 that Franco invaded Spain, a fifteen-year-old girl from Madrid was on vacation in the Sierra de Gredos, a mountain range popular for hikers. Isa (Conchita) Reyes fled Spain for Paris with her mother and sister, taking only what they could carry in their suitcases. Her father stayed behind to fight on the Loyalist side. It was not long before the last piece of jewelry had been sold, and ways had to be found to make a living. Working as a model, she was discovered and given the stage name Isa. A renowned Flamenco dancer, she performed in Paris and in the capitals and resorts of Europe. In 1938 she was crowned Miss Spain in Exile. In Venice, she was courted by Count Ciano, Mussolinis son-in-law, and used an imaginative lie to avoid his affections. In Berlin, in 1939, she performed (unwillingly) at Hitlers fiftieth birthday celebrations organized by Joseph Goebbels. Later in the year, whilst on a dancing tour in Athens, she met the man she would marry my father. Together, they escaped Europe for the New World. This is Isas story, from the nightclubs and ateliers of Paris, to the performance halls of Europe, to the harrowing inspections by the Gestapo while transiting Germany. This is a story of a young girl who had to grow up quickly when war turned her world upside down. Isa fulfilled her dream of becoming a dancer, albeit in ways she could not have imagined when growing up. Her story is told against the backdrop of the Spanish Civil War and Europes inexorable march to conflict. Isa never lost her optimism or her sense of humor. Her dream came true, but the circumstances were tragic and tumultuous.
Inbunden, Engelska, 2023
1 730 kr
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The Fabric of Fear deals comprehensively with the process of Francoist state- and nation-building in Spain. Franco’s chosen tools were mass repression and ‘cleansing’, undertaken both during the battlefield war of 1936–39 and in the decade afterwards, when ‘war’ against defeated constituencies continued by institutional means. Mobilising its grass roots supporters made them complicit in the state's project. The complex process of ‘cleansing’ and ‘conversion’ of the political ‘enemy’ required classifying soldiers from the defeated Republican army and Republican-zone civilians into ‘pro-Franco’, ‘indifferent’, or ‘internal enemy’. Many of the latter were either extrajudicially murdered or executed after cursory military trials. Classification used ultra-traditionalist Catholic means, including segregation and forced ‘conversion’. The new society programme implemented between 1936 and 1950 was applied nation-wide to political activists, members of Republican parties, labour organisations, and (poor) urban and (landless) rural social constituencies. The Francoist project adapted to the changing national and international contexts across the period 1936–1950: from a civil war; through the period of relations with the Axis powers at the same time as receiving Nazi assistance in building up Franco’s police force as an agent of repression; to the transformation of Franco into an anti-Communist client of the Cold War West. The Fabric of Fear addresses the social effects of the ‘cleansing’ process on both ‘victors’ and ‘vanquished’. On the one hand, Franco’s violent policy forged a new society and tightened the links between the regime and its social base. On the other hand, the violence and coercion exerted on the ‘vanquished’ resulted in their civil and legal death: they were expelled from Franco’s national community and deprived of all rights in what became de facto an apartheid society in Spain.
Inbunden, Engelska, 2021
1 816 kr
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The British government's policy of non-intervention in response to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War sought primarily to prevent the conflict escalating into a wider European war but also to ensure that it could maintain or establish cordial relations with whichever side emerged victorious. Due to General Franco's military successes, the support he received from Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, and the geostrategic importance of the Iberian Peninsula in Britain's Mediterranean strategy, non-intervention evolved into a policy of appeasing Franco. This sustained strategic programme remained in place beyond the Civil War and throughout the Second World War. It aimed to drive a wedge between Franco and the Axis Powers to prevent Spain's incorporation into the Rome-Berlin Axis and thereby ensure the neutrality of the Iberian Peninsula. The British government's diplomatic recognition of Franco and simultaneous abandonment of the Spanish Republic in February 1939 formed a concession comparable to British policy towards Abyssinia and Czechoslovakia. Negotiating Neutrality uses appeasement as an analytical framework to show how appeasement policies alter power dynamics in diplomatic relationships. As a beneficiary of appeasement, Franco, like Hitler and Mussolini, intuitively understood how to use this policy to his regimes advantage and it formed an important part of his development as a statesman alongside his German and Italian counterparts. For its part, the British government increasingly encountered difficulties when trying to re-assert itself as the dominant power in Anglo-Spanish relations. In this sense, the author challenges the dominant view within the existing historiography that British policy makers harboured ideological prejudices towards the Spanish Republic, or sympathy for the military rebels, and allowed these to cloud their judgement when formulating a policy towards the Civil War to show that Franco's victory was far from the preferred outcome for the British government. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies, LSE.
Häftad, Engelska, 2021
519 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
Raphael Minder landed in Madrid in 2010 to cover Spain for The New York Times just as the dark clouds of the financial crisis were about to burst into a full-fledged euro debt storm. A Decade as a Foreign Correspondent follows the turbulent and momentous events that have reshaped the countrys political landscape: a secessionist movement in Catalonia, the end of Spain's two-party system, and a desperate attempt to contain the coronavirus pandemic. With a correspondents keen eye, this book takes the reader on an extraordinary journey of discovery from the most remote corners of Spain, where an arid soil produces delicious truffles; to Moroccan hashish trafficked alongside migrants; to the historical repercussions of American nuclear bombs; and not least to the central square of Madrid, where Spain's radical left-wing movement was born. The book shines a light on Spain through colorful anecdotes that help explain the fraught present, as well as the charged past, of a nation that only returned to democracy in the 1970s. It offers an unbiased perspective on an emotionally-charged decade that has polarized Spain. This chronicle of the social, political and economic fabric of Spain is essential reading for all involved in Hispanic studies and Spanish culture. For diplomats, civil servants, and business analysts indeed for anybody focused and involved in European affairs this tale takes to heart every economic fraud, administrative incompetence and political misdeed imaginable. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies, LSE.
Inbunden, Engelska, 2023
1 988 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
The coup d'etat of July 1936 split Spain in two, shaping a chessboard of terror, misery and death that would put an end to the Republic and give sustenance to dictatorship. In the rebel territory, Franco's soldiers were often not convinced followers, but mere pawns forced to fight for the future of a Spain in which the only element of cohesion would be fear. The experience of the Spanish Civil War is defined by how the dictator placed citizens before a terrible dilemma: become executioners or die. This experience was not confined to Spain alone. A transnational analysis, hitherto never undertaken, puts the Spanish war experience in the context of the political and military dramas of the first half of the 20th century. Issues of recruitment, terror, and propaganda dominate analysis. But deeper social and indeed psychological issues are equally important in understanding how dictatorship can shape society for the worse, and indeed come to be regarded by the majority as the norm. Special attention is paid to military ethos at all levels of the armed forces. Francos Soldiers, originally published to acclaim in Spain, provides a unique literary platform that better allows the Spanish Civil War experience to be understood in a wide historical context, thus furthering and encouraging international debate. Published in collaboration with the Department of International History, London School of Economics.
Häftad, Engelska, 2023
610 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
The coup d'etat of July 1936 split Spain in two, shaping a chessboard of terror, misery and death that would put an end to the Republic and give sustenance to dictatorship. In the rebel territory, Franco's soldiers were often not convinced followers, but mere pawns forced to fight for the future of a Spain in which the only element of cohesion would be fear. The experience of the Spanish Civil War is defined by how the dictator placed citizens before a terrible dilemma: become executioners or die. This experience was not confined to Spain alone. A transnational analysis, hitherto never undertaken, puts the Spanish war experience in the context of the political and military dramas of the first half of the 20th century. Issues of recruitment, terror, and propaganda dominate analysis. But deeper social and indeed psychological issues are equally important in understanding how dictatorship can shape society for the worse, and indeed come to be regarded by the majority as the norm. Special attention is paid to military ethos at all levels of the armed forces. Francos Soldiers, originally published to acclaim in Spain, provides a unique literary platform that better allows the Spanish Civil War experience to be understood in a wide historical context, thus furthering and encouraging international debate. Published in collaboration with the Department of International History, London School of Economics.
Häftad, Engelska, 2023
534 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
Tartan Angels sheds light on the work of the Scottish Ambulance Unit (SAU) and the crucial part it played in British medical and humanitarian aid to Spain. In the eighty-five years since the outbreak of the civil war an immense historiography has developed. A steady widening of focus has seen the inclusion of studies that address the intense and prolonged suffering of a civilian population affected by political repression, relentless military bombardment, deprivation, and disease. Likewise, focus has shifted to those who provided assistance to victims during and after the conflict. To date, academic emphasis has been on the left-wing politics behind such endeavours, with too little attention given to the humanitarian responses themselves. Tartan Angels embraces this argument in its focus on the Scottish Ambulance Unit, an enterprise that was arguably apolitical in nature and comprised of individuals inspired, above all, by compassionate and unselfish motives. However, the reputation of the Unit suffered irreparable damage as a result of a series of incidents and events that still remain not fully explained or understood. Furthermore, there were those who used controversy and rumour to deliberately undermine the fundraising efforts of the Units patron and supporters. There is much still to be learned about the creation and the functioning of the SAU an outstanding but largely overlooked humanitarian gesture on behalf of the people of Scotland to those suffering the effects of a brutal civil war in Spain.
Inbunden, Engelska, 2024
2 075 kr
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This book examines coverage of the Spanish Civil War by the leading French and British newspapers, and agencies like Havas and Reuters. Their foundational reporting created a bedrock of ‘shared news’, which reverberated in places as geographically and ideologically remote as Moscow or Berlin.It focuses on how key events like the mass killings in Badajoz, the siege of the Alcázar of Toledo, the Battle of Madrid, and the bombing of Guernica broke as immensely impactful news stories. By returning to first news, we can view familiar events with fresh eyes. For example, reporting on the siege of the Alcázar was shaped by Republican control of Toledo and had little in common with later Nationalist triumphalism. Guernica is studied as a breaking news story, but also as the culmination of a series of destructive aerial bombardments, including Madrid and Basque towns, which all fed into Picasso’s masterpiece. This book charts the links and transitions between day-to-day reporting, journalistic reportage, and transformative mythmaking.Minchom utilizes a wide range of material from newspaper libraries, digital resources and extensive archival research. The author draws on his interviews and correspondence with Sir Geoffrey Cox (1910–2008), News Chronicle’s Madrid correspondent in November 1936.
Häftad, Engelska, 2005
519 kr
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This book engages with a central yet hitherto neglected dimension of the transition to democracy in Spain. It examines the emergence and development of Moderate Francoism from 1964, the year when the Law of Associations was introduced, until 1977, the year of the first democratic elections. The role of the reformists was one of the factors that made possible the dismantling of the dictatorship and was of crucial importance in making possible a bloodless transition to democracy. They acted as a bridge between the regime hard-liners and the democratic opposition, paving the way for King Juan Carlos to implement the 1976 Reform Law that swept away the structures of Francoism.Published in association with the Cañada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies.
Häftad, Engelska, 2008
431 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
Published in association with the Cañada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies.
Häftad, Engelska, 2008
452 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies. "Churchill and Spain" examines why Franco's regime was alone among Europe's "Big Three" Fascist dictatorships in being able to survive beyond the end of the Second World War, and to what extent Churchill's wartime policies enabled Franco to remain in control of Spain. Richard Wigg draws upon Foreign Office documents and reports -- many of which remained secret until the 1990s or only became available in 2005 under the UK Freedom of Information Act -- and the wartime papers of Churchill and Samuel Hoare, Britain's special envoy to Madrid, to investigate this important aspect of Spanish and British history. The book explores the political, economic and diplomatic relations between Spain and Britain during the Second World War and explains how Churchill's lenient policies towards Franco helped significantly in the survival of Franco's regime after the war. In particular, this work demonstrates how the tolerance shown towards Spain's wartime trading in wolfram allowed the rebuilding of the country's gold reserves, which proved crucial in enabling Franco's Spain to endure post-war international isolation. This book, originally published to great acclaim in 2005, and published now for the first time as a paperback, is essential reading for scholars and students of European twentieth-century history, as well as all those interested in Churchill's international role in the Second World War.
Inbunden, Engelska, 2008
1 872 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
Arturo Barea (1897-1957) is often seen as merely a spontaneous writer with a passion against injustice. In fact, he set out deliberately to write concretely and sensuously: about himself in order to understand his mid-life nervous breakdown; and about his generation as a way of explaining the underlying causes of the Spanish Civil War. With acute psychological insight, this self-taught boy from the slums, who left school aged 13, drew a unique portrait of Spanish society in the early twentieth century. His trilogy "The Forging of a Rebel" was well-received by George Orwell, "An excellent book -- Senor Barea is one of the most valuable of the literary acquisitions that England has made as a result of Fascist persecution"; and Gabriel Garcia Marquez, "One of the best novels written in Spanish." He is unusual in that he was one of the first Spanish working-class writers, one of the first autobiographers in Spain, and someone who published mainly in English though all his attention was focused on Spain. In this ground-breaking biography, based on numerous interviews with people who knew Barea, Michael Eaude revisits Barea's writing qualities and deficiencies in the context of stimulating intersections of literature and politics, and of Spain and England. He evaluates all his major works, including The Track, the story of Barea's time as a sergeant during the 1920s colonial war in Morocco; The Forge, the story of city and country, school and work, in the first years of the twentieth century, told through the eyes of a child; The Clash, the story of Barea's experience as a censor during the Civil War; The Broken Root, his last novel, about exile and an imagined return to Madrid; and his short stories and essays. He also puts into perspective Barea's more than 800 talks for the BBC, and rebuts slanders that Barea did not write his own books. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies
Inbunden, Engelska, 2010
1 816 kr
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The Mediterranean sea is set to achieve the highest volume of shipping trade in the world in the 21st century. This anticipated expansion will be due in part to the growth of the AsiaEurope trade corridor, complemented by the proposed Suez Canal enlargement. The Catalan ports of Barcelona, Valencia and Tarragona Catalan offer the most efficient and cost-effective port entrance to the Mediterranean, and are poised to gain ascendancy over other European ports offering similar services. Economists and business leaders predict that Asia will become the main industrial platform of the world and Europe will become the main purchasing market of the world. Such forecasts seem to be on track given that in 2008 the ports of Barcelona and Valencia surpassed the container traffic (measured in TEUs) of the French port of Marseille and the Italian port of Genoa, and this for the first time ever. Only Catalonia has modern important industrial bases near to the port areas in the Mediterranean sea (this is not the case for Marseille, Genoa or Algeciras); Catalan ports are thus able to add value to semi-manufactured goods imported from the emerging economies in Asia, Africa and South America. It is anticipated that Catalan ports will play a similar role to the Flemish and Dutch ports, which in the twentieth century were at the forefront of the expansion of trade across the Atlantic ocean. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that global logistic operators rate Barcelona as the dominant and most important entrance port for Asian and African trade with Europe in the Mediterranean sea. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies.
Inbunden, Engelska, 2010
1 816 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
Spain's first democracy was announced to popular jubilation in April 1931, a new dawn ushered in without a single shot being fired. Yet just over five years later the country was plunged into a brutal civil war that bequeathed hundreds of thousands of deaths and an authoritarian dictatorship under General Francisco Franco that lasted almost forty years. This book analyses Spain's dramatic political shift, reassessing the role of the right as it mobilised against the Second Republic, swinging from ostensibly "moderate" Catholic conservatism to fascist violence. By providing the first detailed study of the uniformed, paramilitary Juventud de Accion Popular (JAP), Sid Lowe challenges the historiographical orthodoxy on Spanish fascism and assumptions about the role of the hegemonic right-wing party during the Republican years, Jose Maria Gil Robles's CEDA. Drawing on a wide range of previously uncovered primary material, he demonstrates that much of the parliamentary right, its leadership included, abandoned the legal road to power when it could no longer use democracy as a Trojan Horse with which to conquer the state. It throws vital new light on the conspiracy to destroy the Republic, the Nationalist war effort, the creation of the new state, and the true social and political origins of the Franco regime. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies.
Inbunden, Engelska, 2011
1 816 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
Olivia Munoz-Rojas critically examines the wartime destruction and post-war rebuilding of three prominent sites in Madrid, Bilbao and Barcelona in the Spanish Civil War and its aftermath. Each case highlights different dimensions of the material impact of the conflict, the practical challenges of reconstruction and the symbolic uses of the two processes by the winning side. The books reveals aspects of the Spanish Civil War and the evolution of the Franco regime from an original and fruitful angle as well as more general insights into the topic of wartime destruction and post-war reconstruction of cities. The title -- Ashes and Granite -- aims to capture, visually and texturally, on the one hand, the damage caused by the war and, on the other, the Franco regime's concept of the ideal Hispanic construction material. Written from an interdisciplinary perspective at the intersection of urban and political history and theory, planning and architecture, the book draws largely on unpublished archival material. Key features of the Franco regime's rebuilding programme are considered, such as the priority given to rural reconstruction and the persistent search for a national architectural style. The case of Madrid centres on the failure of the Falange's ambitious plans for a neo-imperial capital as illustrative of the regime's gradual shift from state planning to privately driven urban development. The case of Bilbao focuses on the reconstruction of the bridges of the city to demonstrate how, occasionally, the regime managed to turn destruction and reconstruction into opportunities for successfully marking the beginning of what was perceived as a new era in Spain's history. Finally, the opening of Avenida de la Catedral in Barcelona exemplifies how wartime destruction sometimes facilitated the implementation of controversial planning, acting as a catalyst for urban redevelopment. Moreover, the opening of the avenue contributed to the disclosure of the ancient Roman city-wall, allowing the regime to appropriate the ancient legacy symbolically. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies.
Häftad, Engelska, 2011
473 kr
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Her fame seemed guaranteed by the compelling story of her life. She had been an aristocrat turned Communist, a celebrated author, and an international political figure whose acquaintances and collaborators included Stalin, Eleanor Roosevelt, Ernest Hemingway, Tina Modotti, Vittorio Vidali, and Anna Seghers among many others. Yet, surprisingly, instead of remaining a heroine of the Republic, Constancia de la Mora's memory somehow faded from Republican history. This books sets out to explore the life of this privileged woman who unexpectedly cast in her lot with that of the Spanish people.
Häftad, Engelska, 2012
512 kr
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'Spain woke me up politically. I rediscovered democracy, the power that can come from people working together when a popular front is not just a manoeuvre but a reality.' Drawing on his political and fighting experience in the Spanish Civil War, Tom Wintringham wrote the best-seller New Ways of War: 'a do-it-yourself guide to killing people' but also a highly subversive call for a socialist revolution. He called for 'a People's war' and the phrase stuck. Recalling the English Civil war he likened the Home Guard he trained in guerrilla warfare to the New Model Army and later he helped found Common Wealth, a political party more radical in some ways than Labour. His finest hour was 1940 when he inspired his countrymen to resist invasion. After gaining exclusive access to the Wintringham archive, now in the Liddell Hart Centre for Military Archives, historian Hugh Purcell published a biography of this 'uniquely English revolutionary' (Sutton Publishing, 2004). Working with Phyll Smith, librarian in Wintringham's home town of Grimsby, they have since discovered a wealth of historical firsts, including: the actual leaflet Wintringham wrote that led the prosecution case in the infamous treason trial of the Communist Party leadership in 1925; and additional evidence that in the summer of 1936 Wintringham was already propagating the idea of an 'international legion' to fight for Republican Spain. Churchill coined his own expletive as in 'I refuse to be Wintringhamed'; Hemingway wrote his only play, Fifth Column, based on Wintringham and his lover, a supposed 'Trotskyite spy'; and photographs show Orwell and Wintringham together in 1940 training for guerrilla warfare to resist a Nazi invasion such was the dramatic imprint on history of this seminal figure, here revealed in an Enlarged, Revised and Updated edition.