Policy Network – serie

Olaf Cramme is Director of Policy Network and a Visiting Fellow at the European Institute of the London School of Economics. Previously, he worked as a Parliamentary Researcher at the Houses of Parliament. Patrick Diamond is Senior Research Fellow at Policy Network. He is also a Gwilym Gibbon Fellow at Nuffield College, Oxford, and a Visiting Fellow in the Department of Politics at the University of Oxford. He was formerly Head of Policy Planning in 10 Downing Street and Senior Policy Adviser to the Prime Minister.

As the financial crisis continues to cast its long shadow over Europe, the view that immigrants compete unfairly for jobs and present an unsustainable burden on the European Social Model appears to be gathering support in some circles. But at the same time, the 'right' type of immigrant has often been perceived as a potential cure for Europe's sluggish labour markets and ailing welfare systems - especially immigrants who are young, easily employable and who arrive without family. So far, efforts to solve this conundrum - as in the UK's points-based system - have focused on increasing the selectivity of the admissions process. In this book, leading immigration experts question the effectiveness of this approach. Besides efforts to regulate the flow and rights of immigrants, they argue that governments across Europe need to devise labour market, welfare and immigration policies in a more integrated fashion.

The roots of the recent financial crisis can be found in the substantial changes which have affected British economy and society over the last three decades. In economic terms, the UK has transformed from a predominantly industrial to one led by services and creative industries, whilst society has also became less industrial with new class 'networks' emerging. Post-war Social Democracy in its original form - as advocated by Tony Crosland - relied heavily on an industrial economy and society. A central statist, ideal-oriented version of Social Democracy can only go so far in the post-crash economy and society, hence the ease with which many of New Labour's reforms and resource allocation have since been reversed by the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition. The centre-left has always been at its strongest when building new long-term institutions such as the NHS, expanding higher education, establishing the national minimum wage and increasing access to national parks. Anthony Painter here argues that this institution-building tradition is the one to which the left should return.He advocates new economic, social and cultural policies which provide a manifesto for the future development of Social Democracy - and centre-left institutions - in Britain.

Those who hoped the collapse of financial markets would usher in the end of neoliberalism and rehabilitate support for traditional social democratic policies programmes have been disappointed. It is not only the irrationality of markets which is the focus of public discontent, but the inefficiency of states and the inability of elected governments to humanise and control global market capitalism. So, in the aftermath of the 2008 crash prompted by the failure of US financial services conglomerate, Lehman Brothers, this book addresses a deceptively simple question: what is to be done? It makes the case for a new, post-crisis settlement harnessing the dynamic traditions of social liberalism and social democracy as the foundation for progressive reforms geared towards alleviating crisis aftershocks and addressing the deep-seated structural challenges afflicting Western capitalist democracies.

What is Britain's future in Europe? This book revisits an old argument but for dramatically new times. The old argument is about Britain's 'semi-detachedness' from Europe and whether that posture could ever change. The new times are the crisis in the Eurozone and its wider impact on the European Union's future. While logic may point to deeper integration, the politics associated with the EU's problems make this a significant and possibly insurmountable challenge. Where should Britain stand? What future should Britain want for the EU? And how important is continued membership of the EU for Britain's future? This book offers new answers to these questions from the perspective of an author who has combined experience both at the heart of the British Government, as Tony Blair's European adviser and with years of understanding Europe from the inside - working at a senior level in the European Commission. This book will be essential reading for anyone interested in the future of British and European politics.

Number Ten Downing Street and the Cabinet Office are at the apex of power in British government, but relatively little is known about the day to day functioning of these great institutions of state. With an unprecedented level of access, and wide-ranging interviews from former ministers, senior civil servants and political advisers, Patrick Diamond examines the administrative and political machinery serving the Prime Minister, and considers how it evolved from the early years of New Labour to the election of the Coalition Government in 2010. Drawing on previously unpublished material, Diamond provides a unique analysis which considers the continuing power of the civil service, the tensions between permanent officials and political aides, and the hard grind of achieving policy change from the centre in Whitehall. By exploring the ideological beliefs underpinning the policy-making process and in illuminating the importance of the British Political Tradition in shaping the institutions and practice of statecraft, this book reveals the contemporary realities of government and democracy in practice.

What is Britain's future in Europe? This book revisits an old argument but for dramatically new times. The old argument is about Britain's 'semi-detachedness' from Europe and whether that posture could ever change. The new times are the crisis in the Eurozone and its wider impact on the European Union's future. While logic may point to deeper integration, the politics associated with the EU's problems make this a significant and possibly insurmountable challenge. Where should Britain stand? What future should Britain want for the EU? And how important is continued membership of the EU for Britain's future? This book offers new answers to these questions from the perspective of an author who has combined experience both at the heart of the British Government, as Tony Blair's European adviser and with years of understanding Europe from the inside - working at a senior level in the European Commission. This book will be essential reading for anyone interested in the future of British and European politics.

As the financial crisis continues to cast its long shadow over Europe, the view that immigrants compete unfairly for jobs and present an unsustainable burden on the European Social Model appears to be gathering support in some circles. But at the same time, the 'right' type of immigrant has often been perceived as a potential cure for Europe's sluggish labour markets and ailing welfare systems - especially immigrants who are young, easily employable and who arrive without family. So far, efforts to solve this conundrum - as in the UK's points-based system - have focused on increasing the selectivity of the admissions process. In this book, leading immigration experts question the effectiveness of this approach. Besides efforts to regulate the flow and rights of immigrants, they argue that governments across Europe need to devise labour market, welfare and immigration policies in a more integrated fashion.

Number Ten Downing Street and the Cabinet Office are at the apex of power in British government, but relatively little is known about the day to day functioning of these great institutions of state. With an unprecedented level of access, and wide-ranging interviews from former ministers, senior civil servants and political advisers, Patrick Diamond examines the administrative and political machinery serving the Prime Minister, and considers how it evolved from the early years of New Labour to the election of the Coalition Government in 2010. Drawing on previously unpublished material, Diamond provides a unique analysis which considers the continuing power of the civil service, the tensions between permanent officials and political aides, and the hard grind of achieving policy change from the centre in Whitehall. By exploring the ideological beliefs underpinning the policy-making process and in illuminating the importance of the British Political Tradition in shaping the institutions and practice of statecraft, this book reveals the contemporary realities of government and democracy in practice.

The roots of the recent financial crisis can be found in the substantial changes which have affected British economy and society over the last three decades. In economic terms, the UK has transformed from a predominantly industrial nation to one led by services and creative industries, while society has also become less industrial with new class 'networks' emerging. Post-war social democracy in its original form- as as advocated by Tony Crosland- relied heavily on an industrial economy and society. A central statist, ideal oriented version of social democracy can only go so far in the post-crash economy and society, hence the ease with which many of New Labour's reforms and resource allocation have since been reversed by the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition. The centre-left has always been at its strongest when building new long-term institutions such as the NHS, expanding higher education and establishing the national minimum wage. Anthony Painter here argues that this institution-building tradition is the one to which the left should return.He advocates new economic, social and cultural policies which provide a manifesto for the future development of social democracy- and centre-left institutions-in Britain.

The roots of the recent financial crisis can be found in the substantial changes which have affected British economy and society over the last three decades. In economic terms, the UK has transformed from a predominantly industrial to one led by services and creative industries, whilst society has also became less industrial with new class 'networks' emerging. Post-war Social Democracy in its original form - as advocated by Tony Crosland - relied heavily on an industrial economy and society. A central statist, ideal-oriented version of Social Democracy can only go so far in the post-crash economy and society, hence the ease with which many of New Labour's reforms and resource allocation have since been reversed by the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition. The centre-left has always been at its strongest when building new long-term institutions such as the NHS, expanding higher education, establishing the national minimum wage and increasing access to national parks. Anthony Painter here argues that this institution-building tradition is the one to which the left should return.He advocates new economic, social and cultural policies which provide a manifesto for the future development of Social Democracy - and centre-left institutions - in Britain.

The digitally-enabled economy is unleashing a new wave of change, something we are only just beginning to feel and understand. The economic evidence shows that this innovation—the development and adoption of new products, services, processes and business models—is vital to support rising living standards. But making the political case for the progressive power of innovation, and the digital economy, can be more challenging. The forces of “creative destruction” threaten incumbent firms, jobs, and the way people work and live, creating strong incentives to oppose change. Confronting these hard realities is one of the defining challenges for progressive politics in the twenty-first century. This collection of essays aims to explore how progressives can embrace the power and promise of innovation through ICT and the digital economy, while developing new institutions to enable societies to cope with the new challenges and risks that this heralds.

The economic crisis of recent years continues to have a profound effect on the lives of European citizens. Economically, politically and socially, it has led to fundamental change in many people's lives. In addition to creating new concerns, the crisis has simultaneously exacerbated existing ones, raising profound challenges to the sustainability and success of the European model. This book seeks to examine this new 'social reality' of post-crisis Europe. The authors conclude by exploring what both the EU and national governments can do to restore Europe's strength, sustainability, cohesion and competitiveness in a climate of rising populism.

High-growth and innovative firms are the drivers of tomorrow’s jobs and our future prosperity. Supporting these firms, including how they can access finance, should be one of the highest policy priorities of European governments. By seeking to provide deeper pools of capital across the EU for firms and reducing dependence on bank financing, the EU’s proposed Capital Markets Union initiative can make a significant contribution to this agenda.This publication focuses on how the Capital Markets Union might lead to tangible gains in investment and jobs growth. It is based on a micro analysis of the challenges faced by growth and innovative firms in six large member states. The report proposes a bottom-up policy agenda to complement the EU’s approach, focused on improving the tax, legal and business support environment for investors and firms.

After its disastrous defeat in 2015, Labour is at grave risk of throwing away the 2020 general election. The party has to understand why it suffered such a devastating defeat and learn crucial lessons if it is to recover. The reasons appear obvious enough: the British public did not believe that Ed Miliband was a credible prime minister; people feared that a Labour government would plunge the British economy back into chaos; and they perceived that the party was out of touch on issues like immigration and welfare. Labour was not just narrowly defeated in 2015, it was overwhelmingly rejected by an electorate who no longer trust the party. Underlying all of this is a sense that Labour is a party that does not understand the modern world, wedded to an outdated ‘cloth cap’ image of heavy industry and the monolithic public sector. The risk for the Labour party, like social democratic parties across Europe, is further electoral defeat and then inevitably, permanent irrelevance. As of today, there are few signs that the party grasps why it lost and, in particular, why swing voters in marginal seats were not prepared to vote Labour. A party that does not understand why it was defeated scarcely deserves to be taken seriously by the electorate. This book examines why Labour so overwhelmingly lost the trust of voters, and crucially how the party under a new leader can win them back by 2020 – charting Labour’s path to power.

This is a critical time for the relationship between Britain and Europe, as politicians debate the crisis facing the European Union and Britain’s role within it. This second edition consists largely of new material that charts how recent political developments have changed the debate surrounding Britain’s membership of the EU. Following the 2015 general election and with the promise of an imminent referendum on Brexit, the book now considers:-How has the renegotiation agenda shifted?-How are EU partners responding to threats of departure from Britain? -What was the impact of the 2015 general election? -What are the politics of a referendum on membership in 2017?- How can a pro-European case be made?By seeking answers to these questions, Roger Liddle assesses the impact of a series of miscalculated gambles by David Cameron and his forebears that leaves Britain teetering on the edge of an exit from the European Union.

The main parameters of the EU budget are decided upon every seven years when the MFF (Multi-annual Financial Framework) is negotiated. Before the end of 2016, EU institutions will undertake a mid-term review of the EU’s 2014-2020. This comes in a context of severe turbulences for the EU project: a difficult economic and social situation in most member states, huge migration pressures and new security threats stemming from an unstable environment, and the Britain’s decision to leave the EU. At the same time, EU countries need to face up to climate change and engineer a smooth transition towards an innovation-based sustainable economic model. The EU’s very survival depends on the ability to respond to these multiple challenges in the next few years. Making a smarter and more strategic use of the €960 billion MFF has become a necessity. Can the EU Spend Better? argues that the scope for a substantial revision of the MFF is limited in the short-term. At most, pressing issues such as terrorism and the deteriorated social situation will lead to greater flexibility in the use of existing envelopes. However, the debate starting in 2017 over the next MFF provides with the opportunity of more substantial shifts in four main directions: more investment- and performance-oriented spending; the expansion of climate conditionality to all spending areas; more targeted redistributive spending matched with greater reform conditionality; a more outward-looking budget.

The decision of the British people to leave the EU was a political earthquake. A seemingly never-ending round of challenges – from the migration crisis, to continuing terror threats and the euro’s woes – has left the EU in a crisis of confidence. The consequent rise in nationalism and populism has too often seemed to leave the continent’s existing generation of leaders floundering.But there is hope. A new generation of European leaders is rising to political seniority. Behind them is a new generation of European voters, less beholden to the past. They are ‘Generation Europe’. Shaped in an age of smartphones, low-cost travel and cross-country initiatives like the Erasmus programme, they share a different perspective. In a passionately argued mix of personal story and policy prescriptions, one of the leading members of ‘Generation Europe’, Italy’s centre-left Europe minister, Sandro Gozi, takes us on a journey through the challenges his continent faces. Exploring causes and solutions, he reflects on his cohort’s commitment to building cross-border policies that will address common problems and start to give Europe brighter prospects.

Shining a light on the very different experiences of work in the digital age, this book provides a unique contribution to the reform discussion on the consequences of the fourth industrial revolution. Drawing on a wide range of international expertise, contributors examine important policy challenges arising from the transformation of work as a result of the introduction of digital technology at work. Authors in this volume discuss the effects of automation, platform business models, stagnating productivity, increasing regional disparities, and rising levels of inequality within and between countries. They consider how to unlock the vast economic and social potential of new technologies and the implications for policy reform to meet these challenges. Mastering them requires developing a new inclusive narrative and progressive reform agenda. Such an agenda would be economic and political, and not determined universally by technology. The narrative is not only about what policymakers need to do, which is rather a lot. It is also about reforming established organisations and institutions, understanding new emerging players and supporting disaffected citizens in how the effects of these changes are going to affect their lives. The authors clearly pinpoint what needs to be done to support the transition to work in the digital era.

Progressive politics is facing a crisis that has been several decades in the making. The ‘crisis of social democracy’ in the wake of the 1980s neoliberal revolution has been followed shortly afterwards by the demise of the liberal ‘end of history’ since the wars and financial crises of the 2000s. Rapid increases in the size, complexity, and fluidity of modern societies have disrupted old communities and identities, and brought new ones into being to challenge them. Cultural tensions have risen alongside older economic and political divisions to the forefront of ideological contests. The result has been a very specific form of polarisation: the resurgence of the far right, and a fragmentation of the left towards the centre and the extremes.To confront this crisis, the progressive left must reevaluate its approach to ideological and strategic competition. The last major precedent it has for what can happen when the left is fragmented and the right has turned towards extremism stems from one of the darkest periods of world history. The rise of fascism, the schism of the left between social democracy and communism, and the nadir of a disoriented liberalism eventually allowed bloodshed and destruction to take place on a scale never seen before. In this light, the contemporary left must work to overcome its divisions and bring about ideological unity across its various manifestations—socialist and liberal, green and anarchist, republican, regionalist, anti-racist, feminist, or pro-LGBTQ*.The left needs clear visions and proposals for how to combine its forces and face the tasks ahead with strength and determination. This book makes the case for today’s progressives to adopt a policy of ‘left unity’ across parties and all other parts of the left movement, and outlines strategies for how the contemporary left can start to build a ‘progressive alliance’. These strategies are inspired by the spirit of past efforts to achieve progressive unity, but they are motivated by the needs and possibilities of the crisis the left faces today. It is for progressives of all colours to learn from them what they can before it is too late.

In recent years, the effects of economic openness and technological change have fuelled dissatisfaction with established political systems and led to new forms of political populism that exploit the economic and political resentment created by globalization. This shift in politics was evident in the decision by UK voters to leave the European Union in June 2016, the November 2016 election of Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States, as well as the rise of populist movements on left and right throughout much of Europe. To many voters, the economy appears to be broken. Conventional politics is failing. Parties of the left and centre-left have struggled to forge a convincing response to this new phase of globalization in the aftermath of the 2008 crisis. This book examines the challenges that the new era of globalization poses for progressive parties and movements across the world. It brings together leading thinkers and experts including Andrew Gamble, Jeffry Frieden and Vivien Schmidt to debate the structural causes and political consequences of this new wave of globalization.

In recent years, the effects of economic openness and technological change have fuelled dissatisfaction with established political systems and led to new forms of political populism that exploit the economic and political resentment created by globalization. This shift in politics was evident in the decision by UK voters to leave the European Union in June 2016, the November 2016 election of Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States, as well as the rise of populist movements on left and right throughout much of Europe. To many voters, the economy appears to be broken. Conventional politics is failing. Parties of the left and centre-left have struggled to forge a convincing response to this new phase of globalization in the aftermath of the 2008 crisis. This book examines the challenges that the new era of globalization poses for progressive parties and movements across the world. It brings together leading thinkers and experts including Andrew Gamble, Jeffry Frieden and Vivien Schmidt to debate the structural causes and political consequences of this new wave of globalization.

In recent years, the effects of economic openness and technological change have fuelled dissatisfaction with established political systems and led to new forms of political populism that exploit the economic and political resentment created by globalization. This shift in politics was evident in the decision by UK voters to leave the European Union in June 2016, the November 2016 election of Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States, as well as the rise of populist movements on left and right throughout much of Europe. To many voters, the economy appears to be broken. Conventional politics is failing. Parties of the left and centre-left have struggled to forge a convincing response to this new phase of globalization in the aftermath of the 2008 crisis. This book examines the challenges that the new era of globalization poses for progressive parties and movements across the world. It brings together leading thinkers and experts including Andrew Gamble, Jeffry Frieden and Vivien Schmidt to debate the structural causes and political consequences of this new wave of globalization.

In recent years, the effects of economic openness and technological change have fuelled dissatisfaction with established political systems and led to new forms of political populism that exploit the economic and political resentment created by globalization. This shift in politics was evident in the decision by UK voters to leave the European Union in June 2016, the November 2016 election of Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States, as well as the rise of populist movements on left and right throughout much of Europe. To many voters, the economy appears to be broken. Conventional politics is failing. Parties of the left and centre-left have struggled to forge a convincing response to this new phase of globalization in the aftermath of the 2008 crisis. This book examines the challenges that the new era of globalization poses for progressive parties and movements across the world. It brings together leading thinkers and experts including Andrew Gamble, Jeffry Frieden and Vivien Schmidt to debate the structural causes and political consequences of this new wave of globalization.