Research in Criminology – serie

Multiple Problem Youth addresses the complex connections among drug abuse, delinquency, and mental health problems as they apply to adolescents and young adults. Interrelationships in this area exist in a vast variety of ways, further complicated by extraneous factors such as demographics, sex, and time. The authors incorporate these factors and analyze the correlations among substance use, delinquency, and mental health problems, as well as discussing developmental patterns and reviewing theories of deviant behavior.

The Showa Era in Japan commenced in December 1926, when Emperor Showa ascended the Throne, and came to an end in January 1989, when His Majesty passed away, ushering in the new Heisei Era. The Showa Era was marked by drastic changes in the economy, society, and political and legal sys­ tems, which brought about an ebb and flow in criminality and precipitated various criminal policies. From an economical, political, and criminological perspective, the Showa Era stands out as a remarkable period in Japanese his­ tory. The Research and Training Institute of the Ministry of Justice, which has annually published the White Paper on Crime in Japan since 1960, received Cabinet approval to introduce a special topic section, "Criminal Policy in Sho­ wa" in the White Paper for 1989, which was published in October the same year. This White Paper is the first comprehensive publication that deals not only with the crime situation but also with the various activities of the criminal justice system, including the police, public prosecutors' offices, courts, correctional institutions, and probation and parole supervision organisations for 63 years.

The Showa Era in Japan commenced in December 1926, when Emperor Showa ascended the Throne, and came to an end in January 1989, when His Majesty passed away, ushering in the new Heisei Era. The Showa Era was marked by drastic changes in the economy, society, and political and legal sys­ tems, which brought about an ebb and flow in criminality and precipitated various criminal policies. From an economical, political, and criminological perspective, the Showa Era stands out as a remarkable period in Japanese his­ tory. The Research and Training Institute of the Ministry of Justice, which has annually published the White Paper on Crime in Japan since 1960, received Cabinet approval to introduce a special topic section, "Criminal Policy in Sho­ wa" in the White Paper for 1989, which was published in October the same year. This White Paper is the first comprehensive publication that deals not only with the crime situation but also with the various activities of the criminal justice system, including the police, public prosecutors' offices, courts, correctional institutions, and probation and parole supervision organisations for 63 years.

The prominence achieved by the novel measure of "households touched by crime" when it was introduced into the National Crime Survey (NCS) in 1981 was responsible for renewed attention to comparisons between the crime rates reported by the NCS and the Uniform Crime Reports (UCR). The new NCS measure suggested that crime was declining; this at a time of widespread awareness that the UCR Index was at all-time highs. Com­ parisons of the NCS and UCR in The New York Times (1981) and the Washington Post (1981) had the unfortunate consequence of reviving old and usually ill-informed arguments about which is the "better" measure of "trends in crime. " More recent discrepant changes of the two measures in 1986 and 1987 rekindled the debate, although with somewhat diminished stridency. The efforts of criminological statisticians to develop an appreciation for the two statistical systems as quite different but complementary measures have suffered a setback in these debates, but an opportunity is also afforded to improve the understanding of crime statistics by officials, the media, and the public. The need remains for the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) , the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), and the research community to explain in quantitative terms the ways in which the two systems attend to different, albeit overlapping, aspects of the crime problem.

"One of the central features of modern German criminology in revealing the 'true nature of crime' follows the tradition of enlightment" instead of accommodating the approach of the criminal justice system. This contention is made by the editors of Developments in Crime and Crime Control Research, Drs. Sessar and Kerner, as they continue to bridge the traditional gap between Anglo-American scholars in criminology and their German counterparts. The language barrier has long been another contributing circumstance to the division of philosophy among countries, but recently, substantial attempts are being undertaken to examine more closely the differences among specific criminological schools of thinking. Drs. Sessar and Kerner point out that, although crime has its universality, a clear understanding of the various approaches to the problem of crime will prove of benefit to those in the field in all countries.

And if thy right hand offend thee, cut it off, and cast it from thee; for it is profitable for thee that one ofthy members should perish, and not that thy whole body should be cast into hell. Matthew 5. 30 The great War on Pover,ty of the 1960s focused on the root causes of crime, unemployment, lack of education, and discrimination. It was eventually agreed that the War on Poverty failed as a crime control program, and the focus of policy shifted toward more proximate causes of crime. Infact, it seems safe to say that since the 1960s, the United States has looked primarily to the criminal justice system to solve its crime problem. With the 1990s upon us, what can we say about the success of crime control policies that rely on the criminal justice system? The picture, taken one approach or program at a time, is not good. It is now generally agreed that the criminal justice system fails to rehabilitate offenders, to make them less likely to commit criminal acts as a result of treatment or training; that the system fails to deter potential offenders, to make them less likely to commit criminal acts out of fear of penal sanctions; and that such programs as increased police patrols, reinstatement of the death penalty, and modification of the exclusionary rule are unlikely to have much effect on crime, at least within the limits imposed on them by reasonable assessments of their costs.

Male Criminal Activity From Childhood Through Youth reports the results of a large longitudinal study from 1972 to 1985 on a sample of delinquents and a comparison sample of the population in Montreal. A clarification emerges from this extensive study: how to describe criminal activity in a comprehensive theory of crime which integrates the offense, offending, and patterns of offending. Using a developmental approach, Drs. Le Blanc and Fréchette observed a gradation of crimes with subjects progressing through five distinct stages of offending. In all, the research investigates the factors that sustain the development of offending and the mechanisms which accelerate, stabilize, and decelerate the commission of crimes. This book represents a significant advance in the understanding of the development of criminal activity.

Our interest in the statistical modeling of data on the timing of recidivism began in the mid 1970s when we were both junior members of the eco­ nomics department at the University of North Carolina. At that time, methods of analyzing qualitative and limited variables were being developed rapidly in the econometric literature, and we became interested in finding a suitable application for these new methods. Data on the timing of recidivism offered unique and interesting statistical challenges, such as skewness of the distribution and the presence of censoring. Being young and foolish, we decided it would be fun to try something "really" difficult. And, being young and ignorant, we were blissfully unaware of the con­ current developments in the statistical modeling of survival times that were then appearing in the biostatistics, operations research, and criminological literatures. In the course of some earlier research, we had learned that the North Carolina Department of Correction had an unusually well-developed data base on their inmates. We approached the Department and asked if they would be interested in working with us to develop models that would predict when their former charges would return to their custody. They agreed because they were interested in using such models to evaluate rehabilitative programs and alternative prison management systems and to help project future prison populations.

This volume is a summary of a 1S-year effort to determine the effects of prison crowding and their relationship to the broader realm of crowding phenomena and theories. Although the writing of this volume was for the most part a solitary effort, the data and ideas it is based on were mostly the result of a collaborative effort with Verne Cox and Garvin McCain. Their schedules limited their ability to contribute to this volume, but they provided much constructive feedback and assistance. Cox also wrote a preliminary draft of Chapter 3, and both McCain and Cox made major contributions to Chapter S and assisted with several other chapters. I am greatly indebted to these two fine scholars for their efforts and support over the course of our joint research endeavors. In recognition of this fact, the pronoun "we" is used throughout this volume. This research would not have been possible without the cooperation and support of thousands of inmates and hundreds of prison officials. The un­ conditional support throughout the project from Director Norman Carlson and former regional research director Jerome Mabli, both of the Federal Bureau of Prisons, is also greatly appreciated. Thanks are due to the National Institute of Justice for financial support during various phases of this project. The support of John Spevacek of the Institute was indispens­ able. Funds were also provided by the Hogg Foundation, U. S. Department of Justice-Civil Rights Division, and the University of Texas at Arlington.

This book is concerned with an investigation of severe school attendance problems. The purpose of this study is to integrate and synthesize related research carried out over the last ten years on this important social problem. The research describes the first use of randomly controlled trials by the courts in Great Britain and the psychiatric assessment of a non-clinical population of poor attenders. The approach provides new and interesting data and a good methodological example of the use of randomized experiments by the courts.

Historically, the announcement and invocation of criminal penalties were public spectacles. Today, fear of crime and disaffection with the criminal justice system guarantee that this public fascination with punishment continues. In the past decade, virtually every legislature in the country has undertaken sentencing reform, in the hope that public concern with crime would be allayed and dispari­ ties in criminal sentences would be reduced if not eliminated. Scholars have intensified their longstanding preoccupation with discrimination and the sources of disparate treatment during sentencing - issues that continue to fuel contem­ porary reform efforts. As documented in Chapter 1, empirical research on sen­ tencing has concentrated much of its attention on the offender. Only recently have attempts been made to imbed sentencing in its broader organizational and social contexts. Our study extends these attempts by quantitatively analyzing the relationship between the offender and the social contexts in which he or she is sentenced. We use data on felony sentencing in Georgia between 1976 and 1985 to ask three questions. The first addresses an issue of perennial concern: during sentencing, how important are offender attributes, both those of explicit legal relevance and traits whose legal relevance is questionable or nonexistent? The second question directs attention to the social contexts of sentencing and asks whether they directly affect sentencing outcomes.

In 1982 the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation created a small committee-the Justice Program Study Group (whose membership is listed at the end ofthis preface)-and posed to it what can hardly be regarded as an easy ques­ tion: "What ideas, what concepts, what basic intellectual frameworks are lack­ ing" to understand and to more effectively deal with crime in our society? Those who are acquainted with the work of the members of the Study Group will appreciate how many divergent views were expressed-divergent to the degree that some of us came to the conclusion that we were not a Study Group at all but rather a group being studied, an odd collection of ancient experimental animals serving some dark purpose of the Foundation. Eventually, however, a surprisingly strong concurrence emerged. We found we were impressed by the extent to which in our discussions we placed heavy reliance on the products of two types of research: first, those few longitudinal studies related to juvenile delinquency and crime that had been pursued in this country and, second, a few experimental studies that had sought to measure the consequences of different official interventions in criminal careers. These two research strategies had taught us much about crime and its control. Other strategies-case studies, cross-sectional surveys, participant observations, and similar techniques-had indeed been productive, but it was the longitudinal and experimental designs that firmed up the knowledge that the others helped to discover.

This book is the report of a collaborative effort. Frank Porporino and I arrived at the starting point for our work together by very different routes. Originally trained as an experimental psychologist, I had become in­ creasingly restive within the confines of the laboratory, and spent a sab­ batical year in the equivalent of a clinical internship. I then spent some time as a part-time consultant in a local penitentiary. Most of my time in the institution was spent with inmates with a variety of problems, probably about 50 individuals over the course of a year. Although this was far fewer than a full-time psychologist in the system might encounter, it served as a quick cram course on problem prisoners and prisoner problems. Very quickly my stereotypes about convicts were shown to be virtually useless. I learned that the criminal classes included all levels of society, and that the behavior of prisoners was the same as that of other human beings in a difficult environment.

"Americans have an abiding faith in punishment", asserts Anne Schneider in her introduction of Deterrence and Juvenile Crime. Dr. Schneider explores this "abiding faith" in her volume, overviewing past assumptions that punishment or merely the threat of punishment necessarily deters criminal behavior. She critically examines specific deterrence theories and presents the methodology used in her own research - research whose findings are often quite disruptive to those assumptions held so long. Using data from six experimental studies in U.S. cities, she finds that instilling a sense of citizenship is more important in reducing future criminal behavior than enhancing the certainty or severity of punishment. Beyond these results, the author raises some pointed issues to explain why perceptions of certainty and severity of punishment generally perform so inadequately in predicting subsequent offenses. A comparison between incarceration methods and community-based restitution programs, as well as the implications of policy, comprise a thorough discussion which focuses on the future and reflects upon the role of random experiments regarding issues of public policy initiatives.

Human Development and Criminal Behavior proposes an exten- sive agenda for crime research. The book is part of a pio- neering effort to understand the causes of crime, particu- larly its developmental course. It defines and sets the con- ditions necessary to conduct an accelerated longitudinal study of individuals at risk to become engaged in criminal careers. This work offers a blueprint for research to eluci- date and possibly prevent crime in our society.

Crime is largely an urban phenomenon, but the specifically urban and area dimen­ sions of the social processes that are connected with crime have been seriously understated in much recent criminological work ... Such a claim could not have been made forty years ago. (Baldwin & Bottoms, 1976, p. 1). The above statement by Baldwin and Bottoms about the neglect in crimi­ nology of the urban dimension of crime was made in the mid-1970s. However, in the last decade there has been a significant upswing in theory and research on crime in the urban environment. Also, new areas oftheory and research into urban crime have come into focus. (For overviews see Brantingham & Brantingham, 1984; Davidson, 1981.) One very good example of the increasing interest in urban crime is the recent volume of Crime and Justice entitled "Communities and Crime" (Reiss & Tonry, 1986), in which Reiss makes a strong argument for the importance of the study of crime in urban communities and for the linking of the ecological and individual traditions in theory and research on crime. A review of the literature on crime in urban environments shows, not unexpectedly, that Anglo-American research heavily dominates the scene (Wikstrom, 1982; 1987b). Hence, much of the experience we have on urban crime is based on North American and British research and theory.

Justice Under Pressure analyzes the effects of prison crowding on the justice system. The authors focus on dramatic changes in the administration of criminal justice in Texas during the 1980s and the influence of those changes on the three-year survival rates among parolees released between 1984 and 1987. Setting out to identify differences in recidivism and the crime rate as a result of the changes instituted in Texas, the authors report the findings of their comparative "survival analysis" of 4 successive cohorts of parolees, plus a chapter specifically directed at a comparative analysis of an emergency release cohort. The final chapter compares prison construction policies and crime rate trends in Texas and California to highlight the major policy implications of the findings. This book is of particular interest to criminologists, forensic psychologists, forensic psychiatrists, and students in these fields.

Policing and Punishing the Drinking Driver is at one level about the impact of specific drinking-driving countermeasures (punishments imposed by courts on convicted offenders and random breath testing) in a particular place (New South Wales, Australia) in two particular years (1972 and 1983). At another level, however, the research reported herein is concerned with general questions of deterrence, and with the impact of the criminal justice system on the perception and behavior of a broad cross-section of the population. In contrast to much of the research in the drink-drive field, the research questions concentrate on the psychological and sociological processes whereby behavior is altered in the short-term as the result of a massive legal intervention or as the result of the routine imposition of legal punishments.

This book describes an original, empirical study of judicial decision making. The process of determining sentences is a difficult one for judges and often unnecessarily intuitive, subjective, and complex. The present study introduces a conceptual outline and empirical technique for increasing the precision of sentencing policy, thus offering an aid to judges who sentence in the light of this policy. The primary purpose of this model of judicial decision making is to provide a framework for scaling the seriousness of any single case in relation to the facts of that case and for relating this assessment to the appropriate quantum of sentence. The validity of the model is tested and cross-validated in an archival study. This innovative research serves as an important prototype for a system of numerical guidance to judges and sentencers.