Royal Historical Society Studies in History New Series - Böcker

An examination of Ireland's advanced mid nineteenth-century health policy, focusing on the Medical Charities Act of 1851 and the Irish Poor Law Commission.Should be read by...every specialist in public administration in Ireland and England during the nineteenth century. ENGLISH HISTORICAL REVIEW**`Choice' Outstanding Academic Book of 1998**In mid-nineteenth-century Ireland there existed a system of medical relief for the poor, via a country-wide system of dispensaries, superior to any public health system in England and arguably in Europe. This book examines the dispensary system and Irish healthpolicy and administration in general, focusing upon the Medical Charities Act of 1851, which placed medical relief under the control of the Irish Poor Law Commission. The Commission's origin, motivation and effect (for example onepidemic control, cholera and famine) are analysed in detail, together with the pre-famine medical charities it replaced and the reorganised poor law system, taking the story through to 1872. The argument is set firmly in the context of the pattern of government growth, of British medical politics as a whole, and of British policy in Ireland; it also shows how the Irish experience influenced developing British policies on health provision.R.D. CASSELL is Professor of History at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro.

Thomas Hodgskin (1787-1869), radical thinker, is the subject of this study, and he is presented here as a forerunner of New Right ideology rather than as `early English socialist'.Thomas Hodgskin was one of the most significant thinkers of nineteenth-century radicalism. An active writer for over fifty years and an associate of Bentham and James Mill amongst others, his life provides a paradigm for understanding the evolution of radicalism from Waterloo to the Second Reform Act. This study rescues him from his marginalisation and mis-casting as an "early English socialist": far from being a socialist, many of his views seem to mark him out as a forerunner of New Right or neo-liberal ideology. Drawing on a range of new sources and reassessing Hodgskin's life and work, Dr Stack argues that the crux of Hodgskin's thought was the essentially theological distinction he drew between nature and artifice. Throughout, he makes plain the centrality of providentialism to nineteenth-century radicalism.Dr DAVID STACK teaches in the Department of History at Queen Mary and Westfield College at the University of London.

`The War of Jenkins Ear' examined for the first time in a full-length study, looking at the vitality of popular politics and the inner workings of Parliament during the time.This first full-length study of the 1739 war with Spain, the so-called `War of Jenkins' Ear', looks at both the Spanish and the British side of disputes arising from illicit British trading in the Spanish ports of the Caribbean and the sometimes brutal depredations committed by the Spanish ships licensed to suppress it. It considers the domestic contexts in both countries, including the pressures which bore upon unpopular monarchs and their ministers; in particular, the author demonstrates the vigour with which opposition newspapers vaunted the heritage of British naval power: if ministers only had the political will, it was supposed, Britannia's glories would be revived and she would humble the cowardly popish foreigners of Spain and France. In examining foreign policy in the closing years of the long-lived Walpole ministry, light is also shed on the inner workings of `high politics', and new evidence offered on the development of the cabinet and the important role played by George II. The author concludes that the breakdown of complex and delicate Anglo-Spanish negotiations over the American trade was due not just to British popular outcry over Jenkins' ear but had a variety of causes, including entrenched national principles, and the interplay of individual personalities.Dr PHILIP WOODFINE teaches in the Department of Humanities at the University ofHuddersfield.

A survey of the development of British military aviation from 1903 to 1914, revealing the consequences of its annexation by the state as a branch of armaments as an underlying cause of aircraft inadequacies on the outbreak of war.A mine of information, drawing on an impressive range of archives. It will become an important point of reference. ENGLISH HISTORICAL REVIEW This book aims to demonstrate how the crisis evident in British military aviation in the early years of the First World War was inherent in the entire development of aviation in the years preceding the conflict. After outlining the work of the early pioneers and the growth of an aviation industry as a branch of armaments, Dr Driver considers the objectives of the War Office in increasingly seeking to divert design development to their research establishment at Farnborough. He shows how the resultant virtual state monopoly in designand procurement had disastrous consequences for aircraft innovation and development, suffocating both competition and initiative, and leading to the maintenance of inadequate aircraft by the Royal Flying Corps following the outbreak of war. The continuing dispute and its culmination in the "Fokker Scourge" controversy of 1915-1916 graphically characterise the strained development of military-industrial relations in this area.Dr HUGH DRIVER gained an MA in War Studies from King's College London, and a D.Phil in modern history at Oriel College, Oxford.

A detailed study of kinship and social and educational ties in Gloucestershire between 1640 and 1672.Recent studies of particular areas during the Civil War have shown how kinship and social and educational ties, far from reinforcing county isolationism, frequently drew inhabitants into a far wider network and divided existing loyalties. Following this approach, Dr Warmington's examination of the history of Gloucestershire during the period begins with the descent into war between 1640 and 1642, showing how the two sides formed and why the Parliamentarians had the more durable war machine. He goes on to consider the anarchic situation between 1645 and 1649 and the series of new experiments in government which followed until 1660, undertaken by an almost entirely new governing group of minor gentlemen, elevated through military service to the regime and by religious affiliations. The attempted rebellion of 1659 is examined in detail, and the book concludes with a look at the Restoration of the Stuart dynasty, the Anglican Church, and the sons of the pre-war county ruling elite, exploring how the new regime compared with its Cromwellian predecessors.ANDREW WARMINGTONwas formerly senior research assistant in history at theUniversity of Durham, following a First Class degree from York and a D.Phil. from St Peter's College, Oxford. He is now a freelance research analyst.

This case study of the power struggle between politicians and generals for control of the strategic management of the South African War illuminates Victorian and Edwardian civil-military relations.Of all the wars fought by Britain between 1815 and 1914, the South African War (1899-1902) was the most extensive and costly. A few thousand Boer farmers defied the British army for nearly three years and were only defeated following the devastation of much of South Africa. Consequently, the war shattered many illusions about the effectiveness of British imperial power. This book is the first comprehensive survey of the disputes which arose between the British government and Sir Alfred Milner, the High Commissioner for South Africa, and three of the era's most famous soldiers, Lords Wolseley, Roberts, and Kitchener, which centred on whether the politicians or generals should control the strategic management of the war; it argues that the army eventually gained control of the war, with Kitchener in particular determining both its strategy and its settlement.KEITH TERRANCE SURRIDGE teaches at theUniversity of Notre Dame, London Programme.

Examination of major changes in political behaviour in 19c Cornwall, withwider implications for the country as a whole.This detailed case-study offers a penetrating analysis of the changing political culture in Cornwall up to and after the introduction of the 1832 electoral system. It spans a century in which the county's parliamentary over-representation and notorious political corruption was replaced by a politicised electorate for whom issues and principles were usually paramount. Several models of electoral behaviour are tested; in particular, the continuous politicalactivism of Cornwall's farmers stands out. Despite remnants of the unreformed electoral system lingering into the mid-Victorian era, Cornwall developed a powerful Liberal tradition, built upon distinctive patterns of non-conformity; the Conservatives, split by dissension, saw their pre-reform ascendancy disappear.Professor EDWIN JAGGARD lectures in history at Edith Cowan University, Perth, Western Australia.

Penitential practice in the Holy Roman Empire 900-1050, examined through records in church law, the liturgy, monastic and other sources.This study examines all forms of penitential practice in the Holy Roman Empire under the Ottonian and Salian Reich, c.900 - c.1050. This crucial period in the history of penance, falling between the Carolingians' codification of public and private penance, and the promotion of the practice of confession in the thirteenth century, has largely been ignored by historians.Tracing the varieties of penitential practice recorded in church law, the liturgy, monastic practice, narrative and documentary sources, Dr Hamilton's book argues that many of the changes previously attributed to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries can be found earlier in the tenth and early eleventh centuries. Whilst acknowledging that there was a degree of continuity from the Carolingian period, she asserts that the period should be seen as having its own dynamic. Investigating the sources for penitential practice by genre, sheacknowledges the prescriptive bias of many of them and points ways around the problem in order to establish the reality of practice in this area at this time. This book thus studies the Church in action in the tenth and eleventh centuries, the reality of relations between churchmen, and between churchmen and the laity, as well as the nature of clerical aspirations. It examines the legacy left by the Carolingian reformers and contributes to our understanding of pre-Gregorian mentalities in the period before the late eleventh-century reforms.SARAH HAMILTON teaches in the Department of History, University of Exeter.

The land question and its importance to the Liberal Party and British politics.In the late nineteenth century Britain was one of the most urbanised societies in the world, yet land reform remained an important element in its politics. This book explores this paradox through an examination of the Liberal Party's increasing interest in the English dimension of the land question. Most historians have dismissed this phenomenon as a product of romantic views about the English countryside and Liberalism's failure to engage with the problems of urban society. In contrast, the author argues that English land reform was important to Liberals because it both expressed their deeply-held hostility to landowners and functioned as a variety of strategies to win electoral support and deal with pressing political issues. Moreover, while Liberals did not always benefit from their association with the land question, it became a matter of crucial significance in 1909-14, when Lloyd George unlocked its potential as an election-winning asset and used it to form a bridge between traditional radicalism and the New Liberalism.Dr IAN PACKER teaches in the School of Modern History at the Queen's University, Belfast.

The emergence of the northern French county of the Perche, and the rise of the Rotrou family from obscure origins to princely power, 11-13c.This is the first modern account of the emergence of the northern French county of the Perche, and the rise of a relatively minor noble family from obscure origins to princely power. The Rotrou family ruled the Perche from aroundthe year 1000 until 1226. They took part in many of the most famous military engagements of the middle ages, from the Norman Conquest of England in 1066 to the recovery of territory from the Muslims in twelfth-century Spain. Theirinvolvement in crusading initiatives was told in the popular poetry of the day, and they came to number the kings of France, England, Aragon and Sicily, as well as the Holy Roman Emperor, among their kinsmen.This narrativeexplains the family's transformation and consolidation of its position in the context of a vibrant and expanding society in the years after 1000, looking at their territorial ambitions, construction of a feudal clientele and operation of lordship through female family.Dr KATHLEEN THOMPSON is Honorary Research Fellow, University of Sheffield.

England's first Protestant foreign policy initiative, an alliance with German Protestants, is shown to have been a significant influence on the Henrician Reformation.England's first Protestant foreign policy venture took place under Henry VIII, who in the wake of the break with Rome pursued diplomatic contacts with the League of Schmalkalden, the German Protestant alliance. This venture was supported by evangelically-inclined counsellors such as Thomas Cromwell and Thomas Cranmer, while religiously conservative figures such as Cuthbert Tunstall, John Stokesley and Stephen Gardiner sought to limit such contacts. The king's own involvement reflected these opposed reactions: he was interested in the Germans as alliance partners and as a consultative source in establishing the theology of his own Church, but at the same time he was reluctant to accept all the religious innovations proposed by the Germans and their English advocates.This study breaks new ground in presenting religious ideology, rather than secular diplomacy, as the motivation behind Anglo-Schmalkaldicnegotiations. Relations between England and the League exerted a considerable influence on the development of the king's theology in the second half of the reign, and hence affected the redirection of religious policy in 1538, thepassing of the Act of Six Articles, the marriage of Henry to Anne of Cleves and the fall of Thomas Cromwell. The examination of the development of Henry's religious thinking is set in the wider context of the foreign policy imperatives of the German Protestants, the ministerial priorities of Thomas Cromwell and factional politics at the court of Henry VIII.RORY McENTEGART is Academic Director of American College Dublin.

A study of the development of English opinion on the American Civil War, paying special attention to the issues of slavery, neutral rights, democracy, republicanism, trade and propaganda - a new interpretation.At the end of the American Civil War, both North and South condemned Britain for allegedly sympathising with the other side. Yet after the conflict, a traditional interpretation of the subject arose which divided English sentimentbetween progressivism siding with the Union and conservatism supporting the Confederacy. Despite historians subsequently questioning whether English opinion can be so easily divided, challenging certain aspects and arguments of this version of events, the traditional interpretation has persevered and remains the dominant view of the subject. This work posits that English public and political opinion was not, in fact, split between two such opposing camps- rather, that most in England were suspicious of both sides in the conflict, and even those who did take sides did not consist largely of any one particular social or political group.Covering the period from 1861 to 1865,Campbell traces the development of English opinion on the American Civil War, looking particularly at reaction to issues of slavery, neutral rights, democracy, republicanism, American expansionism,trade and propaganda. In so doing he offers a new interpretation of English attitudes towards the American Civil War. DUNCAN ANDREW CAMPBELL lectures at the Department of American Studies, University of Maryland Baltimore County.

The Crown Agents Office played a crucial role in colonial development.The Crown Agents Office played a crucial role in colonial development. Acting in the United Kingdom as the commercial and financial agent for the crown colonies, the Agency supplied all non-locally manufactured stores required bycolonial governments, issued their London loans, managed their UK investments, and supervised the construction of their railways, harbours and other public works. In addition, the Office supervised the award of colonial land and mineral concessions, monitored the colonial banking and currency system, and performed a personnel role, paying colonial service salaries and pensions, recruiting technical officers, and arranging the transport of officers, troopsand Indian indentured labour. In this important book, the first in-depth investigation of the Agency, David Sunderland examines each of these services in turn, determining in each case whether the Crown Agents' performance benefited their clients, the UK economy or themselves. His book is thus both an account of a remarkable and unique organisation and a fascinating examination of the "nuts and bolts" of nineteenth-century development. David Sunderland is Reader in Business History, Greenwich University.

A review of the evidence for the popularity of the revival of the Commonwealth and the reasons for its ultimate failure.1659 is one of the most significant years in British history. The return of the remnant of the Long Parliament signalled the reversal of the conservative tendencies of the Protectorate, and the revival of the Commonwealth. Denounced by its enemies as anarchical, the 'Rump Parliament' was nonetheless welcomed by many contemporaries, hoping for a lasting republic. Too often these hopes have been ignored by historians and the Republic dismissed as a chaotic epilogue to the Protectorate, or the prelude to an inevitable Restoration, an approach that neglects considerable evidence for the strength of the regime.In a comprehensive examination of the restored Commonwealth, Dr Mayers redresses that imbalance. She explores in turn the sources of the Republic's adverse reputation, Parliament's domestic priorities, internal dynamics, and relations with the Army, the City of London, and the English and Welsh provinces, as well as foreign policy, the challenge of ruling Scotland, Ireland and the colonies, and the sophisticated republican endeavour to imagine the future constitution and project a positive political identity through ceremonial, iconography and the print debates. She shows that a functioning, effective regime had been established which attracted support from soldiers and civilians throughout the land for whom republicanism of various kinds remained avital energising force. She concludes with an investigation of the autumn crisis and its aftermath, showing that Parliament's second expulsion left irreconcilable divisions among its supporters which prevented the establishment of an alternative authority.RUTH E. MAYERS is Assistant Professor of History at Geneva College, Pennsylvania. She did her first degree at Somerville College, Oxford, and the doctoral research upon which much of thebook is based at Washington Univeristy, St Louis. She is now working on a new biography of republican statesman Sir Henry Vane.

An examination of Coventry's process of urbanisation from its origins in the Anglo-Saxon past to the eve of the Black Death.The processes by which medieval urban communities were formed and developed can be clearly seen in this study of Coventry. Following a survey of Domesday evidence, the book goes on to look at the mechanisms for economic growth inCoventry during the twelfth century, in which both lay and monastic lords played a significant part. Coventry in the thirteenth century reveals other issues: migration to and from the town, the occupational structure within Coventry, and the urban land market. The story of Coventry's development into the fourteenth century ranges over trade, manufacturing and occupations, and notes changes in the land market. Making extensive use of the town's rich documentation, this study presents the reader with a closely argued analysis of the stages by which Coventry developed from its origins in the Anglo-Saxon past to a vibrant and wealthy urban community on the eve of the Black Death.Dr RICHARD GODDARD teaches in the School of History, University of Nottingham.

Traces the changing identity and ownership of the important city of Trieste in a turbulent period.The port of Trieste, standing at a crucial strategic point at the head of the Adriatic, had a turbulent history in the mid-twentieth century. With the disappearance of the Habsburg empire after the First World War, it passed intoItalian hands. During the Second World War, the Nazis reclaimed the city as part of the Reich. In 1945, Trieste slipped through Tito's fingers and was internationalised under Allied military government control, returning to Italian sovereignty in 1954.This book examines Trieste's transformation from an imperial commercial centre at the crossroads of the Italian, German and Balkan worlds to an Italian border city on the southern fringe of the iron curtain. Concentrating on local sources, the book shows how Triestines, renowned for their cosmopolitan Central European affiliations, articulated an Italian civic identity after the First World War, and traces the fitful process ofaffirming Trieste's Italianness over the course of nearly four decades of liberal, Fascist and international rule. It suggests that Italianisation resulted from complicated interactions with Rome and interference by internationalpowers attempting to strengthen western Europe at the edge of the Balkans.

Crimes in England in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were both committed and judged differently, depending on whether the culprit was male or female.Based on a wide range of primary material, this book follows the journeys of men and women implicated in the capital crimes of shoplifting, pickpocketing and distributing forged banknotes, through their trials and on to death, transportation, imprisonment or even to complete freedom. This study of the English judicial system in London provides a detailed view of its complex workings, with particular attention to the role, and apparently more lenient treatment, of women. The evidence presented also sheds light on the complex decision-making policies of a criminal justice administration burdened by the weight of increasing criminal business.DEIRDRE PALK is an independent researcher in eighteenth and nineteenth-century social and administrativehistory.

An account of how, in certain parts of sixteenth-century England, challenges to conventional piety anticipated the Reformation.Here is a richly detailed account of the relationship between Lollard heresy and orthodox religion before the English Reformation. Robert Lutton examines the pious practices and dispositions of families and individuals in relationto the orthodox institutions of parish, chapel and guild, and the beliefs and activities of Wycliffite heretics. He takes issue with portrayals of orthodox religion as buoyant and harmonious, and demonstrates that late medieval piety was increasingly diverse and the parish community far from stable or unified. By investigating the generation of family wealth and changing attitudes to its disposal through inheritance and pious giving in the important Lollard centre of Tenterden in Kent, he suggests that rapid economic development and social change created the conditions for a significant cultural shift. This study contends that in certain parts of England by the early sixteenth century piety was subject to dramatic changes which, in a number of important ways, anticipated the Reformation.Dr ROBERT LUTTON teaches in the Department of History at the University of Nottingham.

A detailed investigation of the place of women in thirteenth-century society, using individual case studies to reappraise orthodox opinion.This book offers the first regional study of women in thirteenth-century England, making pioneering use of charters, chronicles, government records and some of the earliest manorial court rolls to examine the interaction of gender, status and life-cycle in shaping women's experiences in Lincolnshire. The author investigates the lives of noblewomen, gentlewomen, townswomen, peasant women, criminal women and women religious from a variety of angles. Not onlydoes she consider how far women were partners alongside men, especially within the family, but she also explores whether they might have been both at once constrained and yet, to an extent, empowered by religious and biological ideas about gender difference which found expression in inheritance practices and the common law. Valuable light on the avenues for political influence open to elite women is shed through case studies of Nicholaa de la Haye (d. 1230), sheriff of Lincoln, Hawise de Quency (d. 1243), countess of Lincoln, and Margaret de Lacy (d. 1266), countess of Lincoln. The book also addresses women's roles within the rural and urban labour markets before the Black Death.LOUISE J. WILKINSON is Professor of Medieval Studies, University of Lincoln,

A nuanced re-evaluation of the ways in which gender affected the use of physical space in early modern England.Space was not simply a passive backdrop to a social system that had structural origins elsewhere; it was vitally important for marking out and maintaining the hierarchy that sustained social and gender order in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England. Gender had a considerable influence on its use and organization; status and gender were displayed physically and spatially every moment of the day, from a person's place at table to the bed on which he orshe slept, in places of work and recreation, in dress, gesture and modes of address.Space was also the basis for the formation of gender identities which were constantly contested and restructured, as this book shows.Examining in turn domestic, social and sacred spaces and the spatial division of labour in gender construction, the author demonstrates how these could shift, and with them the position and power of women. She shows that the ideological assumption that all women are subject to all men is flawed, and exposes the limitations of interpretations which rely on the model and binary opposition of public/private, male/female, to describe gender relations and theirchanges across the period, thus offering a much more complex and picture than has hitherto been perceived. The book will be essential reading not just for historians of the family and of women, but for all those studying early modern social history. AMANDA FLATHER is a lecturer in the Department of History at the University of Essex.

The Anglo-Scottish union crisis is used to demonstrate the growing influence of popular opinion in this period.In the early modern period, ordinary subjects began to find a role in national politics through the phenomenon of public opinion: by drawing on entrenched ideological differences, oppositional leaders were able to recruit popularsupport to pressure the government with claimed representations of a national interest. This is particularly well demonstrated in the case of the Anglo-Scottish union crisis of 1699-1707, in which Country party leaders encouragedremarkable levels of participation by non-elite Scots. Though dominant accounts of this crisis portray Scottish opinion as impotent in the face of Court party corruption, this book demonstrates the significance of public opinion in the political process: from the Darien crisis of 1699-1701 to the incorporation debates of 1706-7, the Country party aggressively employed pamphlets, petitions and crowds to influence political outcomes. The government's changing response to these adversarial activities further indicates their rising influence. By revealing the ways in which public opinion in Scotland shaped the union crisis from beginning to end, this book explores the power and limitsof public opinion in the early modern public sphere and revises understanding of the making of the British union.Dr KARIN BOWIE lectures in History at the University of Glasgow.

A fresh and sympathetic interpretation of Robert Southey's changing social and political ideas, shedding new light on contemporary thought.Like William Wordsworth and Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Robert Southey has been remembered not just as a romantic poet but also as a political apostate. In the 1790s he was fired by enthusiasm for the French Revolution, and was knownas a radical and a republican. By the 1820s, however, he was not only the poet laureate, but a fierce conservative who opposed the reform of Church and State. Yet at the same time his reactionary politics were mixed with anxietyabout the effects of industrialisation and the growth of poverty, leading some commentators to view him as a precursor of socialism and collectivism.This book charts the development of Southey's social and political ideas inorder to throw light on the problems generated by the concept of 'romantic apostasy'. It draws on his poetry, histories, journalism and letters to show that his intellectual evolution was more complex than has previously been thought. In so doing it touches on numerous themes: theological politics, national character, the 'social question', providence and history, questions of race, empire and civilisation as well as the nature of republicanism and the evolution of conservatism. As such it is an important contribution towards the wider understanding of the intellectual aftermath of the French Revolution in Britain.DAVID M. CRAIG is a lecturer in History at the University ofDurham.

A survey of the political career of George Canning, showing how he contributed to a radical change in British party politics.Winner of the Royal Historical Society's 2009 Whitfield Book Prize. George Canning, one of the most charismatic and divisive figures in British political history, was at the centre of Hanoverian politics for nearly four decades. This study looks at how Canning emerged in the years between 1801 and his death in 1827 as the leading exponent of a distinctive form of Liberal Toryism in parliament and in the country at large. In contrast to the majority of works on Canning and his impact of British foreign policy, it concentrates on Canning's domestic career: his emergence from the shadow of Pitt after 1801; his disillusionment with old-fashioned factionalism in the years after Pitt's death in 1806; his experiences as MP for Liverpool [1812-23]; his political thought; his relationships with the middle classes and his contribution to the evolution of the idea of 'public opinion'; his role in the 'high' periodof Liberal Toryism [1822-7]; and, finally, his central part in the break-up of the Tory party in 1827 in the aftermath of Lord Liverpool's incapacitating stroke. His achievement is thus shown to lie as much in the realm of domestic party politics as in foreign relations and diplomacy. And by looking at Canning's career over the longer term, the book argues that Liberal Toryism was not simply a flourish of post-war economic liberalism, but a fundamental reshaping of British party politics in the aftermath of the French revolution.

The history of the Reform Acts viewed from a Scottish angle, bringing out its implications for relations with England.Pentland's work promises to fill a major hole in Scottish historical writing, and to do so in an exciting and innovative way.' COLIN KIDDAwarded the Senior Hume Brown Prize 2010The passing of the 'Great Reform Act' of 1832 retains a central place in British history. Historical debate, however, has focussed on whether reform represented the end of the ancien régime or a conservative holding action by political elites. Little critical thinking has been devoted to investigating the passage of the three different Reform Acts as a renegotiation of the relationship between England, Scotland and Ireland. By providing a history of reform in one national context this study addresses several key themes. It delivers a more 'British' history of reform, exploring how the constitutional crisis of 1828-32 was negotiated in different contexts and how, throughout the 1820s and 30s, events in England, Scotland and Ireland impacted on one another. It moves beyond constitutional questions to explore the development of a political culture of reform in shared languages, strategies and personnel across a number of political, religious and social reform campaigns. Finally, it argues that the period was crucial in the renegotiation of what it meant to be British and had a profound impact on national identities in Scotland, where different versions of Britishness and Scottishness were integral to the practice of politics at all levels.

A detailed examination of the life and career of Cardinal Bendinello Sauli - notorious for his involvement in a plot to murder the Pope.Cardinal Bendinello Sauli died in disgrace in 1518, implicated, rightly or wrongly, in a conspiracy to assassinate the then Pope, Leo X. This book, based on extensive archival research in Genoa and Rome, traces Sauli's rise and fall, setting one man's life and career against a background of political turmoil and intrigue, and offering new perspectives on the patronal links which bound pope, cardinals and their family and courtiers so closely together. It plots his elevation to ecclesiastical eminence through the efforts of his family who were financiers to the pope; and it examines his apogee as cardinal-patron both of humanists and of some of the leading artists of his day such asSebastiano del Piombo and Raphael. The plot to murder the pope is also studied in depth; the author examines the surviving evidence relating to the plot and reveals new archival material which supports its existence in the eyes of the law and Sauli's involvement in it. In addition, she explores Sauli's role as a man of the Church and his administration of his benefices.HELEN HYDE is an independent scholar who studied at the universities of Lancaster and London. Her previous publications include articles on the Sauli family and early sixteenth-century Genoa.

A survey of the changes in medical care for those approaching death in the early modern period.From the sixteenth century onwards, medical strategies adopted by the seriously ill and dying changed radically, decade by decade, from the Elizabethan age of astrological medicine to the emergence of the general practitioner in the early eighteenth century. It is this profound revolution, in both medical and religious terms, as whole communities' hopes for physical survival shifted from God to the doctor, that this book charts. Drawing on more than eighteen thousand probate accounts, it identifies massive increases in the consumption of medicines and medical advice by all social groups and in almost all areas. Most importantly, it examines the role of the towns in providing medical services to rural areas and hinterlands [using the diocese of Canterbury as a particular focus], and demonstrates the extending ranges of physicians', surgeons' and apothecaries' businesses. It also identifies a comparable revolution in community nursing, from its unskilled status in 1600 to a more exclusive one by 1700. IAN MORTIMER is an independent historian and Honorary Research Fellow at the University of Exeter.

First comprehensive survey of how kinship rules were discussed and applied in medieval England.Two separate legal jurisdictions concerned with family relations held sway in England during the high middle ages: canon law and common law. In thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Europe, kinship rules dominated the lives of laymenand laywomen. They determined whom they might marry (decided in the canon law courts) and they determined from whom they might inherit (decided in the common law courts). This book seeks to uncover the association between the two, exploring the ways in which the two legal systems shared ideas about family relationship, where the one jurisdiction - the common law - was concerned about ties of consanguinity and where the other - canon law - was concerned toadd to the kinship mix of affinity. It also demonstrates how the theories of kinship were practically applied in the courtrooms of medieval England.

Shows how merchants sought to minimise losses by forging strong bonds of interpersonal trust amongst a range of employees, partners, and clients.Fruitfully combining approaches from economic history and the cultural history of commerce, this book examines the role of interpersonal trust in underpinning trade, amid the challenges and uncertainties of the eighteenth-centuryAtlantic. It focuses on the nature of mercantile activity in two parts of Spain: Cadiz in the south, and its trade with Spain's American empire; and Bilbao in the north, and its trade with western and northern Europe. In particular, it explores the processes of trade, trading networks and communications, seeking to understand merchant behaviour, especially the choices made by individuals when conducting business - and specifically with whom they chose to deal. Drawing from a broad range of Spanish, Peruvian and British archival sources, the book reveals merchants' experiences of trusting their agents and correspondents, and shows how different factors, from distance to legalframeworks and ethnicity, affected their ability to rely on their contacts.Xabier Lamikiz is Associate Professor of Economic History at the University of the Basque Country. .

A new investigation of James I and VI's policy in the troubled Border region between England and Scotland.The Scottish Borders experienced dramatic change on James VI's succession to the throne of England: where characteristically hostile Anglo-Scottish relations had encouraged cross-border raiding, James was to prosecute a newly consistent pacification of crime in the region. This volume explores his actions in the Middle March, the shires of Roxburgh, Peebles and Selkirk, by examining governmental processes and structures of power there both before and afterUnion. It suggests that James utilised existing networks of authority, with the help of a largely co-operative Borders elite that remained in place after 1603; kinship and alliance helped to form these networks, and government isshown to have used their associated obligations. The book thus overturns the traditional view of a semi-anarchic region beyond the control of government in Edinburgh.Building on this account of the transformation wrought byUnion, the volume also places the Middle March in the context of Scottish state formation and the intensification of administrative activity and political control, particularly within James' determined efforts to suppress feuding. It therefore tests wider claims made by historians about the changing nature of governance and judicial processes in early modern Scotland as a whole, and within a nascent "Great Britain".Anna Groundwater lectures inBritish and Scottish History at the University of Edinburgh.