Visar resultat för..."rosa kriget"

I denna tredje och sista volym av Arkivs utgåva av Rosa Luxemburgs politiska skrifter framträder hon i tre roller: som motståndare till den tyska socialdemokratins hållning till kriget; som kritiker av den ryska revolutionen och dess politiska form; som ledare och inspiratör för vänsterflygeln i den tyska revolutionen 1918/19.

Enemy Number One tells the story of the Soviet cultural and propaganda apparatus and its efforts to control information about the United States in the postwar landscape. Beginning with the 1945 meeting of American and Soviet troops on the Elbe, this period saw cultural relations develop in close connection to oppression as the Soviet authorities attempted to contain and appropriate images of the United States. Rósa Magnúsdóttir analyzes two official narratives about the USSR's "enemy number one" --Stalin's anti-American campaign and Khrushchev's policy of peaceful coexistence--and shows how each relied on the legacy of the wartime alliance in their approach. Stalin used the wartime experience to spread fear of a renewed war, while Khrushchev used the wartime alliance as proof that the two superpowers could work together.Drawing from extensive archival resources, Magnúsdóttir brings to life the propaganda warriors and ideological chiefs of the early Cold War period in the Soviet Union, revealing their confusion and insecurities as they attempted to navigate the uncertain world of late Stalin and early Khrushchev cultural bureaucracy. She also demonstrates how concerned Soviet authorities were by their people's presumed interest in the United States, resorting to monitoring and even repression-behavior indicative of the inferiority complex of the Soviet project as it related to the outside world.

After drilling troops during the American Revolution, Baron Friedrich von Steuben reportedly noted that although one could tell a Prussian what to do and expect him to do it, one had to tell an American why he ought to do something before he would comply. Although such individualistic thinking is part of the democratic genius of American society, it also complicates efforts to train and educate citizen-soldiers. For more than three decades, the U.S. Army's "Troop Information" program used films, radio programs, pamphlets, and lectures to stir patriotism and spark contempt for the enemy. Christopher S. DeRosa examines soldiers' formal political indoctrination, focusing on the political training of draftees and short-term volunteers from 1940 to 1973.DeRosa draws on the records of the army and the Department of Defense's information offices, the content of the indoctrination materials themselves, and soldiers' recollections in analyzing the political messages the nation conveyed to its army during three decades of conscription. He examines how the program took root as an army institution, how its technique evolved over time, and how it interacted with the larger American political culture. In so doing, he explores the implications of trying to impose a political consensus on the army of a democracy.

This book provides skills for therapists and families to help improve interpersonal communication, promoting a new system of family coexistence and a refreshed concept of the modern marriage in society. Written from a constructivist peace perspective, the book’s aim is to reduce the high statistics of intimate partner violence that occurs in Mexico, arguing that the culture of peace and how it is born in the family in turn affects society for better or for worse. Based upon interviews from 150 long-term married couples, the chapters address the components that promote peaceful dialogue in marriages, such as assertive language, active listening, tolerance to frustration, and gender perspectives. Including accessible language and several models of peace, the book uniquely examines same-sex marriages, the role of children in marriage conflicts, and prescribed gender assumptions and roles in relationships. It aims to empower family members to move away from old habits and seek a more equitable existence in marriages and society at large. This interdisciplinary text will be of great interest to family therapists and clinical social workers, as well as to students and researchers in communication and peace studies.

This book provides skills for therapists and families to help improve interpersonal communication, promoting a new system of family coexistence and a refreshed concept of the modern marriage in society. Written from a constructivist peace perspective, the book’s aim is to reduce the high statistics of intimate partner violence that occurs in Mexico, arguing that the culture of peace and how it is born in the family in turn affects society for better or for worse. Based upon interviews from 150 long-term married couples, the chapters address the components that promote peaceful dialogue in marriages, such as assertive language, active listening, tolerance to frustration, and gender perspectives. Including accessible language and several models of peace, the book uniquely examines same-sex marriages, the role of children in marriage conflicts, and prescribed gender assumptions and roles in relationships. It aims to empower family members to move away from old habits and seek a more equitable existence in marriages and society at large. This interdisciplinary text will be of great interest to family therapists and clinical social workers, as well as to students and researchers in communication and peace studies.

“A dynamic work of reportage” (The New York Times) written “with clarity and...wit” (The New York Times Book Review) about what happens when the ancient boundary between war and peace is erased.Once, war was a temporary state of affairs. Today, America’s wars are everywhere and forever: our enemies change constantly and rarely wear uniforms, and virtually anything can become a weapon. As war expands, so does the role of the US military. Military personnel now analyze computer code, train Afghan judges, build Ebola isolation wards, eavesdrop on electronic communications, develop soap operas, and patrol for pirates. You name it, the military does it. In this “ambitious and astute” (The Washington Post) work, Rosa Brooks “provides a masterful analysis” (San Francisco Chronicle) of this seismic shift in how America wages war from an unconventional perspective—that of a former top Pentagon official who is the daughter of two anti-war protesters and married to an Army Green Beret. By turns a memoir, a work of journalism, a scholarly exploration of history, anthropology, and law, How Everything Became War and the Military Became Everything is an “illuminating” (The New York Times), “eloquent” (The Boston Globe), “courageous” (US News & World Report), and “essential” (The Dallas Morning News) examination of the role of the military today. Above all, it is a rallying cry, for Brooks issues an urgent warning: When the boundaries around war disappear, we undermine both America’s founding values and the international rules and organizations that keep our world from sliding towards chaos.

In February 2019, Donald Trump announced the United States withdrew from the landmark Cold War-era Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty with Russia sparking worldwide concerns over the specter of a new nuclear arms race. The rational-actor and game-theoretic models dominating international relations literature failed to predict or explain this strategic choice. Rationalist, normative, and materialist models of strategic choice saturate the study of international relations. Scholars continue to expose the shortfalls in these approaches in explaining or predicting outcomes of strategic interactions. In this timely study, John P. DeRosa advances a new model of strategic choice through a narrative lens. This narrative turn reframes the logic to emphasize the propositions of motives, perceptions, preferences, and the reflexive interaction of strategic choices. Case studies of American and Russian nuclear arms control treaties from the negotiations of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty in 1987 to the crisis of the US withdrawal from the INF Treaty in 2019 support building a theory of “narrativized” strategic choice.

Since the 1960s, many influential Latin Americans, such as the leaders of student movements and unions, and political authorities, participated in exchange programs with the United States to learn about the American way of life. In Brazil, during the international context of the Cold War, when Brazil was governed by a military dictatorship ruled by generals who alternated in power, hundreds of union members were sent to the United States to take union education courses. Did they come back “Americanized” and able to introduce American trade unionism in Brazil? That is the question this book seeks to answer. It is a subject that is as yet little explored in the history of Latin American labor and international relations: the influence of foreign union organizations on national union politics and movements. Despite the US’s investment in advertising, courses, films and trips offered to Brazilian union members, most of them were not convinced by the American ideas on how to organize an “authentic” union movement – or, at least, not committed to applying what they learned in the States.

This book addresses the under-researched discourse of the evolution of Chinese nuclear posture, and in particular, explains the absence from this evolution of a coherent and well-defined operational doctrine. Using a neoclassical realist framework, the book explains why China, after having launched a crash programme in the mid-1950s to develop a nuclear deterrent, did not debate a clear operational doctrine with respect to targeting and employment until the mid-1980s.

Mit Beiträgen von Hans Thirring (Abdruck seines Friedensplans); Erwin Bader, Ewa Ernst-Dziedzic, Leo Gabriel, Heinz Gärtner, Erik Gornik, Günther Greindl, Andreas Gross, Marko Hren, Karin Liebhart, Rosa Logar, Christoph Matznetter, Gerhard Oberkofler, Christine Schweitzer und Werner Wintersteiner.Dieses Buch diskutiert den sogenannten Thirring-Plan von 1963 zur einseitigen Abrüstung Österreichs aus aktueller Perspektive. Der Vorschlag des Wiener Physikers und Friedensaktivisten Hans Thirring – "Mehr Sicherheit ohne Waffen" – war als Beitrag zur Entspannung im Kalten Krieg gedacht. Das neutrale Österreich sollte als "Testobjekt der Möglichkeit friedlicher Koexistenz" einen weltweiten Abrüstungsprozess anstoßen.Diese Idee ist heute wieder höchst relevant. Denn angesichts globaler Kriegsherde, die das Risiko eines Weltkriegs bergen, dominiert gerade auch in der EU immer stärker eine Logik zur Vorbereitung von "Kriegstauglichkeit". Zugleich wird jeder Diskurs über Frieden diskriminiert und tabuisiert. Die Autor*innen dieses Buches halten dagegen und legen dar, wie heutzutage Abrüstung wieder als Friedensoption ins Spiel gebracht, die österreichische Neutralität verteidigt und die Kriegslogik durchbrochen werden kann. Dabei geht es nicht darum, Thirrings Plan einfach zu übernehmen, sondern seiner hoffnungsfrohen Überzeugung zu folgen.

La muerte de Jorge Rafael Videla se inscribe en un decenio marcado por el fallecimiento de numerosos criminales de masa. Ésta sigue a las de Slobodan Milosevic, Augusto Pinochet, Saddam Hussein, Osama Bin Laden o Muamar el Gadafi. En todos los casos, las preguntas que abren estas muertes tan singulares son idénticas, aunque se sitúan en contextos diferentes: ¿cuándo y cómo fallecieron esos criminales? ¿Qué hacer con sus restos? ¿Cómo aprehender su herencia, la memoria de su persona y de sus crímenes?A pesar de su carácter crucial y de su actualidad, estas cuestiones hasta el momento no han suscitado sino pocas obras en el campo de las ciencias jurídicas y sociales. Aun observando un interés renovado en la palabra del verdugo como fuente de información, son raros los estudios que se refieren a su suerte una vez muerto. Esta obra intenta precisamente paliar esa carencia. Con la reflexión interdisciplinar iniciada aquí "dialogan" las aportaciones del Derecho, de la Historia, de la Antropología, de la Sociología, de la Literatura y de la Psicología alrededor de tres temáticas principales: las modalidades de la muerte del verdugo, el tratamiento post mortem de su cuerpo y la cuestión de la patrimonialización frente a las exigencias de justicia y reparación. Este volumen pretende entender las cuestiones relacionadas con el deceso de los genocidas, los criminales de guerra, los dictadores, los tiranos o los agentes del terrorismo internacional de los siglos XX y XXI –una muerte jamás anodina aun cuando se trate de fallecimiento natural.

Un ejército capaz de generar desde su interior procesos de transformación autónomos es un ejército consciente de la trascendencia de su función y comprometido con la efectividad de los postulados constitucionales que delimitan su actuación: ese es el Ejército Nacional de Colombia, una institución capaz de repensarse, de orientar sus estrategias para adaptarse a contextos cambiantes, manteniendo incólumnes los principios democráticos que determinan su existencia.

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Based upon contemporary and informed opinion, Age of the Gunfighter tells of a tempestuous time and many a notorious gunfighter. Few of those who achieved fame and a reputation lived into old age. Ed Masterson, Tom Smith, and Bill Tilghman, for example, died in the line of duty. Others, like Wild Bill Hickok, Jesse James, and Billy the Kid, were murdered because of their reputations, at the hands of the law or for personal or financial gain. And the few who survived into old age in the twentieth century, such as Wyatt Earp, were men out of place and time, steeped in nostalgia for an era gone but immortalized as the age of the gunfighter.

On April 12, 1861, the long-simmering tensions between the American North and South exploded as Southern troops in the seceding state of South Carolina fired on the Federal forces at Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor. The battle of Fort Sumter marked the outbreak of Civil War in the United States. The attack provoked outrage in the North, consolidated support for the newly inaugurated President Lincoln, and fueled the onset of the war that would consume and reshape the country.In this concise narrative, Wesley Moody explores the long history of tensions that lead to the events at Fort Sumter, the details of the crisis and battle, the impact of Fort Sumter on the unfolding Civil War, and the battle's place in historical memory. Supplemented by primary documents including newspaper coverage, first-person accounts, letters, and government documents, and supported by a companion website, this book provides students with a nuanced understanding of both the long-term and immediate origins of the American Civil War.

On April 12, 1861, the long-simmering tensions between the American North and South exploded as Southern troops in the seceding state of South Carolina fired on the Federal forces at Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor. The battle of Fort Sumter marked the outbreak of Civil War in the United States. The attack provoked outrage in the North, consolidated support for the newly inaugurated President Lincoln, and fueled the onset of the war that would consume and reshape the country.In this concise narrative, Wesley Moody explores the long history of tensions that lead to the events at Fort Sumter, the details of the crisis and battle, the impact of Fort Sumter on the unfolding Civil War, and the battle's place in historical memory. Supplemented by primary documents including newspaper coverage, first-person accounts, letters, and government documents, and supported by a companion website, this book provides students with a nuanced understanding of both the long-term and immediate origins of the American Civil War.

When Hissène Habré, the deposed dictator of Chad, was found guilty of crimes against humanity in 2016, it was described as ‘a watershed for human rights justice in Africa and beyond’. For the first time, an African war criminal had been convicted on African soil.Having followed the trial from the very beginning and interviewed many of those involved, journalist Celeste Hicks tells the remarkable story of how Habré was brought to justice. His conviction followed a heroic 25 year campaign by activists and survivors of Habré’s atrocities, which succeeded despite international indifference, opposition from Habré’s allies, and several failed attempts to bring him to trial in Europe and elsewhere. In the face of such overwhelming odds, the conviction of a once untouchable tyrant represents a major turning point, with profound implications for African justice and the future of human rights activism globally.