Alexander Lee – författare
Visar alla böcker från författaren . Handla med fri frakt och snabb leverans.
50 produkter
50 produkter
Inbunden, Engelska, 2026
297 kr
Skickas inom 7-10 vardagar
A sweeping, riveting history of the Venetian Ghetto, the world’s first Jewish ghetto.'Brilliantly researched and deeply moving' - Roger Crowley, author of City of Fortune'Alexander Lee combines expertise in Venetian history, with sensibility to the Jewish past, and a gift for story-telling. Highly recommended' - Professor Miri Rubin, author of Cities of StrangersIn the early sixteenth century, amidst the ruins of war, and in an atmosphere of religious hatred, the world’s first Jewish ‘ghetto’ was established in Venice. Constrained in cramped, often insanitary conditions, the Jews who were forced to live there were extorted, abused and subjected to countless humiliating restrictions. Before long, Venice’s Ghetto became the prototype for ghettos throughout Europe, paving the way for a more vicious and enduring form of antisemitism.Yet the Ghetto’s story is also a testament of hope. Despite all they faced through the centuries, its residents thrived, creating a flourishing literary, musical and religious community. They sustained Venice’s economy – and, as more migrants arrived, the Ghetto became a microcosm of the Jewish world.Historian Alexander Lee traces this vivid story from the first Jewish arrivals in the early fourteenth century to the present day, reconstructing the Ghetto through the eyes of its inhabitants – from the domestic squabbles of a sixteenth-century rabbi to the agonising wait of a family bound for Auschwitz.Authoritative, detailed and incomparably intimate, The First Ghetto offers a fitting monument to the Ghetto’s past – and powerful lessons for the future.
Häftad, Engelska, 2014
156 kr
Skickas
Featuring the beauties of Michelangelo and Leonardo da Vinci, combined with the dark and hidden side of the Renaissance, by an acclaimed historian and expert in the period.Renowned as an age of artistic rebirth, the Renaissance is cloaked with an aura of beauty and brilliance. But behind the Mona Lisa’s smile lurked a seamy, vicious world of power politics, perversity and corruption that has more in common with the present day than anyone dares to admit. Enter a world of corrupt bankers, greedy politicians, sex-crazed priests, rampant disease, and lives of extravagance and excess. Enter the world of the ugly Renaissance. Uncovering the hidden realities beneath the surface of the period’s best-known artworks, historian Alexander Lee takes the reader on a breathtaking and unexpected journey through the Italian past and shows that, far from being the product of high-minded ideals, the sublime monuments of the Renaissance were created by flawed and tormented artists who lived in an ever-expanding world of bigotry and hatred. The only question is: will you ever see the Renaissance in quite the same way again?
E-bok
PDF, Engelska, 20181 503 kr
Läs direkt efter köp
For more than a century, scholars have believed that Italian humanism was predominantly civic in outlook. Often serving in communal government, fourteenth-century humanists like Albertino Mussato and Coluccio Saltuati are said to have derived from their reading of the Latin classics a rhetoric of republican liberty that was opposed to the ''tyranny'' of neighbouring signori and of the German emperors.In this ground-breaking study, Alexander Lee challenges this long-held belief. From the death of Frederick II in 1250 to the failure of Rupert of the Palatinate''s ill-fated expedition in 1402, Lee argues, the humanists nurtured a consistent and powerful affection for the Holy Roman Empire. Though this was articulated in a variety of different ways, it was nevertheless driven more by political conviction than by cultural concerns. Surrounded by endless conflict - both within and betweencity-states - the humanists eagerly embraced the Empire as the surest guarantee of peace and liberty, and lost no opportunity to invoke its protection. Indeed, as Lee shows, the most ardent appeals to imperial authority were made not by ''signorial'' humanists, but by humanists in the service of communalregimes.The first comprehensive, synoptic study of humanistic ideas of Empire in the period c.1250-1402, this volume offers a radically new interpretation of fourteenth-century political thought, and raises wide-ranging questions about the foundations of modern constitutional ideas. As such, it is essential reading not just for students of Renaissance Italy and the history of political thought, but for all those interested in understanding the origins of liberty
Inbunden, Engelska, 2022
1 295 kr
Skickas inom 7-10 vardagar
The people who live in border towns often have closer relations with people across their immediate borders than with people in the same country as them. Despite how intertwined these border communities often are, neither community can access the governmental institutions of the nation on the other side. Why are the citizens of neighboring regions that lie across an international border often subject to very different governance systems? More broadly, why can't public services be bought piecemeal, on an a-la-carte basis, with governments competing to provide higher quality services at the lowest cost in a marketplace for government services? These questions lie at the heart of modern International Relations.In The Cartel System of States, Avidit Acharya and Alexander Lee provide a powerful and field-shaping theory to address a fundamental issue in world politics: the character of the territorial nation-state. They contend that the modern territorial state system works as an economic cartel in which states have local, bounded monopolies in governing their citizens. States refuse to violate each other's monopolies, even when they could do so easily. Acharya and Lee examine what makes this system stable, when and how it emerged, how it spread, how it has been challenged, and what led it to be so resilient over time. Drawing from the centuries long process of modern state formation, The Cartel System of States explains both how the present system of territorial states--by no means a foregone conclusion in retrospect--took over the world and how it might change in the future.
Häftad, Engelska, 2023
290 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
The people who live in border towns often have closer relations with people across their immediate borders than with people in the same country as them. Despite how intertwined these border communities often are, neither community can access the governmental institutions of the nation on the other side. Why are the citizens of neighboring regions that lie across an international border often subject to very different governance systems? More broadly, why can't public services be bought piecemeal, on an a-la-carte basis, with governments competing to provide higher quality services at the lowest cost in a marketplace for government services? These questions lie at the heart of modern International Relations.In The Cartel System of States, Avidit Acharya and Alexander Lee provide a powerful and field-shaping theory to address a fundamental issue in world politics: the character of the territorial nation-state. They contend that the modern territorial state system works as an economic cartel in which states have local, bounded monopolies in governing their citizens. States refuse to violate each other's monopolies, even when they could do so easily. Acharya and Lee examine what makes this system stable, when and how it emerged, how it spread, how it has been challenged, and what led it to be so resilient over time. Drawing from the centuries long process of modern state formation, The Cartel System of States explains both how the present system of territorial states--by no means a foregone conclusion in retrospect--took over the world and how it might change in the future.
E-bok
PDF, Engelska, 2022238 kr
Läs direkt efter köp
The people who live in border towns often have closer relations with people across their immediate borders than with people in the same country as them. Despite how intertwined these border communities often are, neither community can access the governmental institutions of the nation on the other side. Why are the citizens of neighboring regions that lie across an international border often subject to very different governance systems? More broadly, why can''t public services be bought piecemeal, on an a-la-carte basis, with governments competing to provide higher quality services at the lowest cost in a marketplace for government services? These questions lie at the heart of modern International Relations.In The Cartel System of States, Avidit Acharya and Alexander Lee provide a powerful and field-shaping theory to address a fundamental issue in world politics: the character of the territorial nation-state. They contend that the modern territorial state system works as an economic cartel in which states have local, bounded monopolies in governing their citizens. States refuse to violate each other''s monopolies, even when they could do so easily. Acharya and Lee examine what makes this system stable, when and how it emerged, how it spread, how it has been challenged, and what led it to be so resilient over time. Drawing from the centuries long process of modern state formation, The Cartel System of States explains both how the present system of territorial states--by no means a foregone conclusion in retrospect--took over the world and how it might change in the future.
E-bok
Engelska, 2022238 kr
Läs direkt efter köp
The people who live in border towns often have closer relations with people across their immediate borders than with people in the same country as them. Despite how intertwined these border communities often are, neither community can access the governmental institutions of the nation on the other side. Why are the citizens of neighboring regions that lie across an international border often subject to very different governance systems? More broadly, why can''t public services be bought piecemeal, on an a-la-carte basis, with governments competing to provide higher quality services at the lowest cost in a marketplace for government services? These questions lie at the heart of modern International Relations.In The Cartel System of States, Avidit Acharya and Alexander Lee provide a powerful and field-shaping theory to address a fundamental issue in world politics: the character of the territorial nation-state. They contend that the modern territorial state system works as an economic cartel in which states have local, bounded monopolies in governing their citizens. States refuse to violate each other''s monopolies, even when they could do so easily. Acharya and Lee examine what makes this system stable, when and how it emerged, how it spread, how it has been challenged, and what led it to be so resilient over time. Drawing from the centuries long process of modern state formation, The Cartel System of States explains both how the present system of territorial states--by no means a foregone conclusion in retrospect--took over the world and how it might change in the future.
Inbunden, Engelska, 2025
893 kr
Skickas inom 7-10 vardagar
India faces a crisis of criminal impunity. Crimes against the poor and marginalized go unprosecuted, while crimes committed by the rich and influential are ignored in return for bribes or favors. Those who have enough money to pay the police, or enough power to influence them, can quite literally get away with murder.In Democracy and Impunity, Alexander Lee examines the politics of law enforcement in India and why the police perform so poorly across multiple dimensions--a level of performance that is exceptional even for similar developing democracies. Lee shows that high levels of impunity in India are the result of two interdependent policy choices--the Indian police are severely under-resourced and have very low autonomy in relation to senior members of the political elite.While Lee focuses on India, his account sheds light on how nations can find themselves in the "policy trap" of low police resources and low police autonomy, and why they find it so hard to get out of this equilibrium. He also explains why some politicians find it in their interests to have a weak and tightly controlled police force, why many police officers work with these politicians, and discusses specific reforms that could alleviate the impunity crisis.
Häftad, Engelska, 2025
298 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
India faces a crisis of criminal impunity. Crimes against the poor and marginalized go unprosecuted, while crimes committed by the rich and influential are ignored in return for bribes or favors. Those who have enough money to pay the police, or enough power to influence them, can quite literally get away with murder.In Democracy and Impunity, Alexander Lee examines the politics of law enforcement in India and why the police perform so poorly across multiple dimensions--a level of performance that is exceptional even for similar developing democracies. Lee shows that high levels of impunity in India are the result of two interdependent policy choices--the Indian police are severely under-resourced and have very low autonomy in relation to senior members of the political elite.While Lee focuses on India, his account sheds light on how nations can find themselves in the "policy trap" of low police resources and low police autonomy, and why they find it so hard to get out of this equilibrium. He also explains why some politicians find it in their interests to have a weak and tightly controlled police force, why many police officers work with these politicians, and discusses specific reforms that could alleviate the impunity crisis.
E-bok
PDF, Engelska, 2025312 kr
Läs direkt efter köp
India faces a crisis of criminal impunity. Crimes against the poor and marginalized go unprosecuted, while crimes committed by the rich and influential are ignored in return for bribes or favors. Those who have enough money to pay the police, or enough power to influence them, can quite literally get away with murder. In Democracy and Impunity, Alexander Lee examines the politics of law enforcement in India and why the police perform so poorly across multiple dimensions--a level of performance that is exceptional even for similar developing democracies. Lee shows that high levels of impunity in India are the result of two interdependent policy choices--the Indian police are severely under-resourced and have very low autonomy in relation to senior members of the political elite. While Lee focuses on India, his account sheds light on how nations can find themselves in the "e;policy trap"e; of low police resources and low police autonomy, and why they find it so hard to get out of this equilibrium. He also explains why some politicians find it in their interests to have a weak and tightly controlled police force, why many police officers work with these politicians, and discusses specific reforms that could alleviate the impunity crisis.
E-bok
Engelska, 2025312 kr
Läs direkt efter köp
India faces a crisis of criminal impunity. Crimes against the poor and marginalized go unprosecuted, while crimes committed by the rich and influential are ignored in return for bribes or favors. Those who have enough money to pay the police, or enough power to influence them, can quite literally get away with murder. In Democracy and Impunity, Alexander Lee examines the politics of law enforcement in India and why the police perform so poorly across multiple dimensions--a level of performance that is exceptional even for similar developing democracies. Lee shows that high levels of impunity in India are the result of two interdependent policy choices--the Indian police are severely under-resourced and have very low autonomy in relation to senior members of the political elite. While Lee focuses on India, his account sheds light on how nations can find themselves in the "e;policy trap"e; of low police resources and low police autonomy, and why they find it so hard to get out of this equilibrium. He also explains why some politicians find it in their interests to have a weak and tightly controlled police force, why many police officers work with these politicians, and discusses specific reforms that could alleviate the impunity crisis.
Inbunden, Engelska, 2018
1 894 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
For more than a century, scholars have believed that Italian humanism was predominantly civic in outlook. Often serving in communal government, fourteenth-century humanists like Albertino Mussato and Coluccio Saltuati are said to have derived from their reading of the Latin classics a rhetoric of republican liberty that was opposed to the 'tyranny' of neighbouring signori and of the German emperors.In this ground-breaking study, Alexander Lee challenges this long-held belief. From the death of Frederick II in 1250 to the failure of Rupert of the Palatinate's ill-fated expedition in 1402, Lee argues, the humanists nurtured a consistent and powerful affection for the Holy Roman Empire. Though this was articulated in a variety of different ways, it was nevertheless driven more by political conviction than by cultural concerns. Surrounded by endless conflict - both within and between city-states - the humanists eagerly embraced the Empire as the surest guarantee of peace and liberty, and lost no opportunity to invoke its protection. Indeed, as Lee shows, the most ardent appeals to imperial authority were made not by 'signorial' humanists, but by humanists in the service of communal regimes.The first comprehensive, synoptic study of humanistic ideas of Empire in the period c.1250-1402, this volume offers a radically new interpretation of fourteenth-century political thought, and raises wide-ranging questions about the foundations of modern constitutional ideas. As such, it is essential reading not just for students of Renaissance Italy and the history of political thought, but for all those interested in understanding the origins of liberty
Häftad, Engelska, 2015
288 kr
Skickas inom 3-6 vardagar
E-bok
Engelska, 20191 287 kr
Läs direkt efter köp
Why do some states provide infrastructure and social services to their citizens, and others do not? In Development in Multiple Dimensions, Alexander Lee examines the origins of success and failure in the public services of developing countries. Comparing states within India, this study examines how elites either control, or are shut out of, policy decisions and how the interests of these elites influence public policy. He shows that social inequalities are not single but multiple, creating groups of competing elites with divergent policy interests. Since the power of these elites varies, states do not necessarily focus on the same priorities: some focus on infrastructure, others on social services, and still others on both or neither. The author develops his ideas through quantitative comparisons and case studies focusing on four northern Indian states: Gujarat, West Bengal, Bihar, and Himachal Pradesh, each of which represents different types of political economy and has a different set of powerful caste groups. The evidence indicates that regional variation in India is a consequence of social differences, and the impact of these differences on carefully considered distributional strategies, rather than differences in ideology, geography, or institutions.
Inbunden, Engelska, 2019
1 115 kr
Skickas
Why do some states provide infrastructure and social services to their citizens, and others do not? In Development in Multiple Dimensions, Alexander Lee examines the origins of success and failure in the public services of developing countries. Comparing states within India, this study examines how elites either control, or are shut out of, policy decisions and how the interests of these elites influence public policy. He shows that social inequalities are not single but multiple, creating groups of competing elites with divergent policy interests. Since the power of these elites varies, states do not necessarily focus on the same priorities: some focus on infrastructure, others on social services, and still others on both or neither. The author develops his ideas through quantitative comparisons and case studies focusing on four northern Indian states: Gujarat, West Bengal, Bihar, and Himachal Pradesh, each of which represents different types of political economy and has a different set of powerful caste groups. The evidence indicates that regional variation in India is a consequence of social differences, and the impact of these differences on carefully considered distributional strategies, rather than differences in ideology, geography, or institutions.
E-bok
PDF, Engelska, 2022762 kr
Läs direkt efter köp
This volume offers the first comprehensive survey of regime change in Italy in the period c.1494–c.1559.
Far from being a purely modern phenomenon, regime change was a common feature of life in Renaissance Italy – no more so than during the Italian Wars (1494–1559). During those turbulent years, governments rose and fell with dizzying regularity. Some changes of regime were peaceful; others were more violent. But whenever a new reggimento took power, old social tensions were laid bare and new challenges emerged – any of which could easily threaten its survival. This provoked a variety of responses, both from newly established regimes and from their opponents. Constitutional reforms were proposed and enacted; civic rituals were developed; works of art were commissioned; literary works were penned; and occasionally, aspects of material culture were pressed into service, as well. Comparative in approach and broad in scope, it offers a provocative new view of the diverse political, culture, and economic factors, which ensured the survival (or demise) of regimes – not only in "major" polities like Florence, Rome, and Venice, but also in less-well-studied regions like Savoy.
This book will appeal to researchers and students alike interested in cultural, political, and military history.
E-bok
Engelska, 2022762 kr
Läs direkt efter köp
This volume offers the first comprehensive survey of regime change in Italy in the period c.1494–c.1559.
Far from being a purely modern phenomenon, regime change was a common feature of life in Renaissance Italy – no more so than during the Italian Wars (1494–1559). During those turbulent years, governments rose and fell with dizzying regularity. Some changes of regime were peaceful; others were more violent. But whenever a new reggimento took power, old social tensions were laid bare and new challenges emerged – any of which could easily threaten its survival. This provoked a variety of responses, both from newly established regimes and from their opponents. Constitutional reforms were proposed and enacted; civic rituals were developed; works of art were commissioned; literary works were penned; and occasionally, aspects of material culture were pressed into service, as well. Comparative in approach and broad in scope, it offers a provocative new view of the diverse political, culture, and economic factors, which ensured the survival (or demise) of regimes – not only in "major" polities like Florence, Rome, and Venice, but also in less-well-studied regions like Savoy.
This book will appeal to researchers and students alike interested in cultural, political, and military history.
E-bok
PDF, Engelska, 2024489 kr
Läs direkt efter köp
E-bok
Engelska, 2024489 kr
Läs direkt efter köp
Inbunden, Engelska, 2024
405 kr
Skickas inom 7-10 vardagar
Why are some countries more democratic than others? For most non-European countries, elections began under Western colonial rule. However, existing research largely overlooks these democratic origins. Analyzing a global sample of colonies across four centuries, this book explains the emergence of colonial electoral institutions and their lasting impact. The degree of democracy in the metropole, the size of the white settler population, and pressure from non-Europeans all shaped the timing and form of colonial elections. White settlers and non-white middle classes educated in the colonizer's language usually gained early elections but settler minorities resisted subsequent franchise expansion. Authoritarian metropoles blocked elections entirely. Countries with lengthy exposure to competitive colonial institutions tended to consolidate democracies after independence. By contrast, countries with shorter electoral episodes usually shed democratic institutions and countries that were denied colonial elections consolidated stable dictatorships. Regime trajectories shaped by colonial rule persist to the present day.
Inbunden, Engelska, 2022
414 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
Häftad, Engelska, 2022
300 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
Inbunden, Engelska, 2022
2 477 kr
Skickas inom 10-15 vardagar
This volume offers the first comprehensive survey of regime change in Italy in the period c.1494–c.1559.Far from being a purely modern phenomenon, regime change was a common feature of life in Renaissance Italy – no more so than during the Italian Wars (1494–1559). During those turbulent years, governments rose and fell with dizzying regularity. Some changes of regime were peaceful; others were more violent. But whenever a new reggimento took power, old social tensions were laid bare and new challenges emerged – any of which could easily threaten its survival. This provoked a variety of responses, both from newly established regimes and from their opponents. Constitutional reforms were proposed and enacted; civic rituals were developed; works of art were commissioned; literary works were penned; and occasionally, aspects of material culture were pressed into service, as well. Comparative in approach and broad in scope, it offers a provocative new view of the diverse political, culture, and economic factors, which ensured the survival (or demise) of regimes – not only in "major" polities like Florence, Rome, and Venice, but also in less-well-studied regions like Savoy.This book will appeal to researchers and students alike interested in cultural, political, and military history.
Häftad, Engelska, 2024
639 kr
Skickas inom 10-15 vardagar
This volume offers the first comprehensive survey of regime change in Italy in the period c.1494–c.1559.Far from being a purely modern phenomenon, regime change was a common feature of life in Renaissance Italy – no more so than during the Italian Wars (1494–1559). During those turbulent years, governments rose and fell with dizzying regularity. Some changes of regime were peaceful; others were more violent. But whenever a new reggimento took power, old social tensions were laid bare and new challenges emerged – any of which could easily threaten its survival. This provoked a variety of responses, both from newly established regimes and from their opponents. Constitutional reforms were proposed and enacted; civic rituals were developed; works of art were commissioned; literary works were penned; and occasionally, aspects of material culture were pressed into service, as well. Comparative in approach and broad in scope, it offers a provocative new view of the diverse political, culture, and economic factors, which ensured the survival (or demise) of regimes – not only in "major" polities like Florence, Rome, and Venice, but also in less-well-studied regions like Savoy.This book will appeal to researchers and students alike interested in cultural, political, and military history.
Inbunden, Engelska, 2026
2 477 kr
Skickas inom 10-15 vardagar
Between 1949 and 1972, Australia became the largest centre of violent Croatian nationalism outside of Europe. This book reveals how radical Croatian groups – responsible for bombings, armed incursions, and political violence across two continents – were allowed to proliferate, thanks to the disinterest and tacit support of Australia’s governing Liberal Party.Of all the Eastern and Southern European migrants who arrived in post-war Australia, only Croatians formed groups that Australian Secret Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) considered an actual and continuing danger to domestic security. These communities brought with them a potent blend of nationalist and anti-communist ideology that the Liberal government encouraged, viewing it as electorally useful in the Cold War context. The relationship between the Liberal Party and violent Croatian nationalism became one of the most bitter partisan controversies of the era and had real effects on Australian electoral politics, especially the seminal 1972 election. Drawing primarily on archival research, this book demystifies this controversial period. It examines the real relationship between the Liberal Party, the Labor Party, and violent Croatian nationalist groups. Rather than defending or condemning the actions of the 1949–1972 Liberal-led government or Croatian extremist groups, it provides the first comprehensive historical account of how ideology, partisan politics, and Cold War anxieties allowed this form of violent extremism to take root in Australia. This book will be of interest to researchers in the history of terrorism, nationalism, Australian politics, Croatian politics, and the politics of exile and emigres.
E-bok
PDF, Engelska, 2026831 kr
Läs direkt efter köp
Between 1949 and 1972, Australia became the largest centre of violent Croatian nationalism outside of Europe. This book reveals how radical Croatian groups - responsible for bombings, armed incursions, and political violence across two continents - were allowed to proliferate, thanks to the disinterest and tacit support of Australia's governing Liberal Party.Of all the Eastern and Southern European migrants who arrived in post-war Australia, only Croatians formed groups that Australian Secret Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) considered an actual and continuing danger to domestic security. These communities brought with them a potent blend of nationalist and anti-communist ideology that the Liberal government encouraged, viewing it as electorally useful in the Cold War context. The relationship between the Liberal Party and violent Croatian nationalism became one of the most bitter partisan controversies of the era and had real effects on Australian electoral politics, especially the seminal 1972 election. Drawing primarily on archival research, this book demystifies this controversial period. It examines the real relationship between the Liberal Party, the Labor Party, and violent Croatian nationalist groups. Rather than defending or condemning the actions of the 1949-1972 Liberal-led government or Croatian extremist groups, it provides the first comprehensive historical account of how ideology, partisan politics, and Cold War anxieties allowed this form of violent extremism to take root in Australia. This book will be of interest to researchers in the history of terrorism, nationalism, Australian politics, Croatian politics, and the politics of exile and emigres.
E-bok
Engelska, 2026831 kr
Läs direkt efter köp
Between 1949 and 1972, Australia became the largest centre of violent Croatian nationalism outside of Europe. This book reveals how radical Croatian groups - responsible for bombings, armed incursions, and political violence across two continents - were allowed to proliferate, thanks to the disinterest and tacit support of Australia's governing Liberal Party.Of all the Eastern and Southern European migrants who arrived in post-war Australia, only Croatians formed groups that Australian Secret Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) considered an actual and continuing danger to domestic security. These communities brought with them a potent blend of nationalist and anti-communist ideology that the Liberal government encouraged, viewing it as electorally useful in the Cold War context. The relationship between the Liberal Party and violent Croatian nationalism became one of the most bitter partisan controversies of the era and had real effects on Australian electoral politics, especially the seminal 1972 election. Drawing primarily on archival research, this book demystifies this controversial period. It examines the real relationship between the Liberal Party, the Labor Party, and violent Croatian nationalist groups. Rather than defending or condemning the actions of the 1949-1972 Liberal-led government or Croatian extremist groups, it provides the first comprehensive historical account of how ideology, partisan politics, and Cold War anxieties allowed this form of violent extremism to take root in Australia. This book will be of interest to researchers in the history of terrorism, nationalism, Australian politics, Croatian politics, and the politics of exile and emigres.
E-bok
PDF, Engelska, 20201 252 kr
Läs direkt efter köp
Caste and ethnicity have been crucial in shaping the discourse around identity politics in modern South Asia. This book critically discusses two important trends in twentieth-century Indian politics - the rise in the political salience of caste identities, and a shift in the way caste identity was conceptualized; from a hierarchical system based on the adoption of specific behaviours to a system based on bounded and autonomous groups not dissimilar to ethnic groups as conceived of in other parts of the world. It traces these changes to the evolving incentives of the elites of poorer ethnic groups, which are themselves a product of the gradual rise of literacy in colonial South Asia, and the democratization of the political system. This theory challenges accounts that emphasize the role of the colonial state in the evolution of caste. It presents a wide range of novel historical evidence to support these claims, both qualitative and quantitative, and covering both the colonial and post-independence periods.
- Nyhet
Inbunden, Engelska, 2026
212 kr
Skickas inom 5-8 vardagar
A comprehensive exploration of Machiavelli’s life and thought – covering everything from his preoccupation with truth, fortune, and power, to his frequently bawdy poetry, love affairs, and friendships. Essential reading for anyone who wants to understand what Machiavelli really believed – and why he matters so much today.Who was Niccolo Machiavelli and why should we consider him relevant to the problems and vexations of the modern world? Stephen Bowd and Alexander Lee aim to ‘defamiliarize’ Machiavelli.Given that he is so well known, if only by name, and the subject of such grave misconceptions and prejudice, the authors set out to explain why he is not the ‘Machiavellian’ figure he is supposed to be, and that he was not just a political thinker.Examining his frequently bawdy poetry, his comedies and his love affairs and friendships, this book will lead modern readers on an exhilarating and thought-provoking journey through Machiavelli’s mind, bringing him to life and illuminating why such a seminal thinker should be of urgent interest to us today.
- Nyhet
E-bok
Engelska, 2026199 kr
Läs direkt efter köp
A comprehensive exploration of Machiavelli's life and thought covering everything from his preoccupation with truth, fortune, and power, to his frequently bawdy poetry, love affairs, and friendships. Essential reading for anyone who wants to understand what Machiavelli really believed and why he matters so much today.Who was Niccolo Machiavelli and why should we consider him relevant to the problems and vexations of the modern world? Stephen Bowd and Alexander Lee aim to 'defamiliarize' Machiavelli.Given that he is so well known, if only by name, and the subject of such grave misconceptions and prejudice, the authors set out to explain why he is not the 'Machiavellian' figure he is supposed to be, and that he was not just a political thinker.Examining his frequently bawdy poetry, his comedies and his love affairs and friendships, this book will lead modern readers on an exhilarating and thought-provoking journey through Machiavelli's mind, bringing him to life and illuminating why such a seminal thinker should be of urgent interest to us today.