Christian Scholl – författare

Recently, a wall was built in eastern Germany. Made of steel and cement blocks, topped with razor barbed wire, and reinforced with video monitors and movement sensors, this wall was not put up to protect a prison or a military base, but rather to guard a three-day meeting of the finance ministers of the Group of Eight (G8). The wall manifested a level of security that is increasingly commonplace at meetings regarding the global economy. The authors of Shutting Down the Streets have directly observed and participated in more than 20 mass actions against global in North America and Europe, beginning with the watershed 1999 WTO meetings in Seattle and including the 2007 G8 protests in Heiligendamm. Shutting Down the Streets is the first book to conceptualize the social control of dissent in the era of alterglobalization. Based on direct observation of more than 20 global summits, the book demonstrates that social control is not only global, but also preemptive, and that it relegates dissent to the realm of criminality. The charge is insurrection, but the accused have no weapons. The authors document in detail how social control forecloses the spaces through which social movements nurture the development of dissent and effect disruptive challenges.

Recently, a wall was built in eastern Germany. Made of steel and cement blocks, topped with razor barbed wire, and reinforced with video monitors and movement sensors, this wall was not put up to protect a prison or a military base, but rather to guard a three-day meeting of the finance ministers of the Group of Eight (G8). The wall manifested a level of security that is increasingly commonplace at meetings regarding the global economy. The authors of Shutting Down the Streets have directly observed and participated in more than 20 mass actions against global in North America and Europe, beginning with the watershed 1999 WTO meetings in Seattle and including the 2007 G8 protests in Heiligendamm. Shutting Down the Streets is the first book to conceptualize the social control of dissent in the era of alterglobalization. Based on direct observation of more than 20 global summits, the book demonstrates that social control is not only global, but also preemptive, and that it relegates dissent to the realm of criminality. The charge is insurrection, but the accused have no weapons. The authors document in detail how social control forecloses the spaces through which social movements nurture the development of dissent and effect disruptive challenges.

Investigates how activists confront global powers with their street-level dissent.Two Sides of a Barricade argues that to construct global democracy, conflict and dissent must be taken seriously. Christian Scholl explores the political significance of the confrontations within four sites of interaction: bodies, space, communication, and law. Each site of struggle provides a different entry point to understand the influence of protester and police tactics on each other. At the same time, the four sites of struggle allow a comprehensive analysis of how the contestation of global hegemonic forces during summit protests trigger a preemptive shift in social control through increased deployment of biopolitical forms of power.This book is freely available in an open access edition thanks to Knowledge Unlatched-an initiative that provides libraries and institutions with a centralized platform to support OA collections and from leading publishing houses and OA initiatives. Learn more at the Knowledge Unlatched website at: https://www.knowledgeunlatched.org/, and access the book online at the SUNY Open Access Repository at http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12648/1709.

Investigates how activists confront global powers with their street-level dissent.Two Sides of a Barricade argues that to construct global democracy, conflict and dissent must be taken seriously. Christian Scholl explores the political significance of the confrontations within four sites of interaction: bodies, space, communication, and law. Each site of struggle provides a different entry point to understand the influence of protester and police tactics on each other. At the same time, the four sites of struggle allow a comprehensive analysis of how the contestation of global hegemonic forces during summit protests trigger a preemptive shift in social control through increased deployment of biopolitical forms of power.This book is freely available in an open access edition thanks to Knowledge Unlatched-an initiative that provides libraries and institutions with a centralized platform to support OA collections and from leading publishing houses and OA initiatives. Learn more at the Knowledge Unlatched website at: https://www.knowledgeunlatched.org/, and access the book online at the SUNY Open Access Repository at http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12648/1709.

Der aktuelle Kanon romantischer Bildkunst in Deutschland ist das Resultat umfassender Revisionsvorgänge. Diese setzten bereits im 19. Jahrhundert selbst ein und kulminierten in der „Jahrhundertausstellung deutscher Kunst (1775-1875)“, die 1906 in der Berliner Nationalgalerie stattfand. Unter den Vorzeichen der Moderne wurden damals die Prämissen zur Bewertung und Interpretation von Kunst auf nachhaltige Weise neu gefasst. Die vorliegende, rezeptionsgeschichtliche Studie erschließt anhand zeitgenössischer Quellen die Voraussetzungen dieser bis heute wirksamen Umdeutung und nimmt dafür die Zeit zwischen der Etablierung der romantischen, von den Zeitgenossen als „neudeutsch“ bezeichneten Malerei nach 1800 und der „Jahrhundertausstellung“ in den Blick. Sie untersucht, wie sich die Sicht auf die Malerei der Romantik in diesem Zeitraum verändert hat und wie dies mit dem wechselnden Verständnis von der Funktions- und Wirkungsweise von Kunst zusammenhängt. Damit wird eine Brücke zwischen dem Kunst- und Bildverständnis der Romantik und der Moderne geschlagen, wobei die Studie zugleich Perspektiven auf eigenständige und aus heutiger Sicht durchaus „fremde“ Konzepte des 19. Jahrhunderts eröffnet, welche sich einer teleologischen Interpretationsweise letztlich entziehen.

Im Zuge der verstärkten Auseinandersetzung mit globalgeschichtlichen Ansätzen hat die Erforschung von Verflechtungsprozessen in den letzten Jahren eine Konjunktur erlebt. Allerdings sind die meisten Arbeiten, die sich mit wechselseitigen Austauschprozessen zwischen verschiedenen Bevölkerungs- und Religionsgruppen befassen, der Moderne gewidmet. Zur Schließung dieser Lücke möchte der Sammelband beitragen, indem er neuere Forschungsansätze zur transkulturellen Verflechtung vorstellt und daraus abgeleitete Fragestellungen auf das Mittelalter und die Frühe Neuzeit anwendet. Die einzelnen Beiträge gehen dabei der Frage nach, unter welchen Voraussetzungen sich Verflechtungen zwischen unterschiedlichen ‚Kulturen‘, Regionen und sozialen Gruppen ereigneten, worin sich diese Verflechtungen zeigten und ob bzw. wie diese wahrgenommen wurden. Ferner richten die Beiträge den Blick auf Trägergruppen von Verflechtungsprozessen sowie auf Objekte, die als Bedeutungsträger solche Prozesse konstituierten. Somit ist der Band für all diejenigen von Interesse, die sich für die Erforschung der vielschichtigen Beziehungen zwischen Christen, Juden und Muslimen sowie zwischen Europa und der außereuropäischen Welt in der Vormoderne interessieren.

During the Middle Ages, rulers from different regions aspired to an idea of imperial hegemony. On the other hand, there were rulers who deliberately refused to be «emperors», although their reign showed characteristics of imperial rule. The contributions in this volume ask for the reasons why some rulers such as Charlemagne strove for imperial titles, whereas others voluntarily shrank from them. They also look at the characteristics of and rituals connected to imperial rule as well as to the way Medieval empires saw themselves. Thus, the authors in this volume adopt a transcultural perspective, covering Western, Eastern, Northern and Southern Europe, Byzantium and the Middle East. Furthermore, they go beyond the borders of Christianity by including various caliphates and Islamic «hegemonic» rulers like Saladin.