Ernesto Laclau – författare

Deconstruction and pragmatism constitute two of the major intellectual influences on the contemporary theoretical scene; influences personified in the work of Jacques Derrida and Richard Rorty. Both Rortian pragmatism, which draws the consequences of post-war developments in Anglo-American philosophy, and Derridian deconstruction, which extends and troubles the phonomenological and Heideggerian influence on the Continental tradition, have hitherto generally been viewed as mutually exclusive philosophical language games.The purpose of this volume is to bring deconstruction and pragmatism into critical confrontation with one another through staging a debate between Derrida and Rorty, itself based on discussions that took place at the College International de Philosophie in Paris in 1993. The ground for this debate is layed out in introductory papers by Simon Critchley and Ernesto Laclau, and the remainder of the volume records Derrida's and Rorty's responses to each other's work. Chantal Mouffe gives an overview of the stakes of this debate in a helpful preface.

Deconstruction and pragmatism constitute two of the major intellectual influences on the contemporary theoretical scene; influences personified in the work of Jacques Derrida and Richard Rorty. Both Rortian pragmatism, which draws the consequences of post-war developments in Anglo-American philosophy, and Derridian deconstruction, which extends and troubles the phonomenological and Heideggerian influence on the Continental tradition, have hitherto generally been viewed as mutually exclusive philosophical language games.The purpose of this volume is to bring deconstruction and pragmatism into critical confrontation with one another through staging a debate between Derrida and Rorty, itself based on discussions that took place at the College International de Philosophie in Paris in 1993. The ground for this debate is layed out in introductory papers by Simon Critchley and Ernesto Laclau, and the remainder of the volume records Derrida's and Rorty's responses to each other's work. Chantal Mouffe gives an overview of the stakes of this debate in a helpful preface.

This lively book examines the major issues raised by the emergence and transformation of various political identities in the contemporary world. The contributors bring together many current trends of thought-Lacanian psychoanalysis, deconstruction, neo-Hegelianism and political philosophy-that are relevant to the question of identity, as well as concrete studies of some of the more important political identities which have emerged in recent decades. A central theme of the book is the logic implicit in the Freudian category of identification and its consequences for understanding politics.The first half of the book explores the theoretical dimensions of the issue of identity formation. The second half brings these more abstract considerations to bear on a number of case studies-the structure of apartheid in South Africa, the rise of Islam, the Palestinian diaspora, the explosion of national identities in former Yugoslavia, the Greens in Germany, and the spread of Rastafarianism in Britain.

New Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time continues the innovative exploration of major issues concerning democracy and socialism which was staked out in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. Examining the meanings of social struggle in the context of late capitalism, Laclau situates the re-making of political identities within a framework of democratic revolution. The critical method is one which describes major structural changes in the contemporary world-system at the same time as it theorizes a coherent and radical interpretative form. This marriage of politics and theory allows the book to embrace topics ranging from the relationship between Marxism and psychoanalysis to the historical significance of May 1968 and forms of political struggle in the third world. In a final section of illuminating interviews the author expounds his most recent thought on politics and philosophy.

In this hugely influential book, Laclau and Mouffe examine the workings of hegemony and contemporary social struggles, and their significance for democratic theory. With the emergence of new social and political identities, and the frequent attacks on Left theory for its essentialist underpinnings, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy remains as relevant as ever, positing a much-needed antidote against 'Third Way' attempts to overcome the antagonism between Left and Right.

The essays collected in this volume develop the theoretical perspective initiated in Laclau and Chantal Mouffe's classic Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. Central to the argument of The Rhetorical Foundations of Society is the establishment of rhetorical tropes-such as metaphor, metonymy and catachresis-as the "non-foundational" grounds of society. From this basis, Laclau explores the state of social relations in today's heterogeneous society. Employing analytical philosophy from both phenomenological and structuralist traditions, he seeks to locate an ontological terrain for interpersonal relationships. Further, he investigates the definition of social antagonism in an increasingly globalized world, where the proliferation of conflicts and points of rupture erodes crucial links between the social subjects postulated by classical social analysis.

In this highly prescient work - which has had a big impact on figures such as Pablo Oglesias of Podemos in Spain - Ernesto Laclau continues the philosophical and political exploration initiated in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. Here he focuses on the construction of popular identities and how "the people" emerge as a collective actor. Skillfully combining theoretical analysis with a myriad of empirical references from numerous historical and geographical contexts he offers a critical reading of the existing literature on populism, demonstrating its dependency on the theorists of "mass psychology" such as Taine and Freud. He demonstrates the relation of populism to democracy and to the logic of representation, and differentiates his approach from the work of Zizek, Hardt and Negri, and Ranciere. This book is essential reading for all those interested in the question of political identities in a world marked by figures such as Trump, Farage, Le Pen as well as Sanders, Iglesias and Melenchon.

In Emancipation(s), Ernesto Laclau addresses a central question: how have the changes of the last decade, together with the transformation in contemporary thought, altered the classical notion of "emancipation" as formulated since the Enlightenment? Our visions of the future and our expectations of emancipation, have been deeply affected by the changes of recent history: the end of the Cold War, the explosion of new ethnic and national identities, the social fragmentation under late capitalism, and the collapse of universal certainties in philosophy and social and historical thought. Laclau here begins to explore precisely how our visions of emancipation have been recast under these new conditions. Laclau examines the internal contradictions of the notion of "emancipation" as it emerged from the mainstream of modernity, as well as the relation between universalism and particularism which is inherent in it. He explores the making of political identities and the status of central notions in political theory such as "representation" and "power," focusing particularly on the work of Derrida and Rorty. Emancipation(s) is a significant contribution to the reshaping of radical political thought.

What is the contemporary legacy of Gramsci's notion of Hegemony? How can universality be reformulated now that its spurious versions have been so thoroughly criticized? In this ground-breaking project, Judith Butler, Ernesto Laclau and Slavoj Zizek engage in a dialogue on central questions of contemporary philosophy and politics. Their essays, organized as separate contributions that respond to one another, range over the Hegelian legacy in contemporary critical theory, the theoretical dilemmas of multiculturalism, the universalism-versus-particularism debate, the strategies of the Left in a globalized economy, and the relative merits of post-structuralism and Lacanian psychoanalysis for a critical social theory. While the rigor and intelligence with which these writers approach their work is formidable, Contingency, Hegemony, Universality benefits additionally from their clear sense of energy and enjoyment in a revealing and often unpredictable exchange.

Ernesto Laclau is best known for co-authoring Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, with Chantal Mouffe. Politically active in the social and student movements of the 1960s, and a member of PSIN (Socialist Party of the National Left), Laclau's oeuvre links the working class and new social movements. Rejecting Marxist economic determinism and the notion of class struggle, Laclau instead urged for a radical democracy where antagonisms could be expressed. Frequently described as post-Marxist, Laclau's writings have focused on political movements. Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory was Laclau's first published work, where readers can trace the early formation of ideas that shaped the twentieth century.

Whenever an individual asks to be recognized, he asks for confirmation of what he believes himself to be. But he also asks for an establishing act which brings about what he is not yet and what he will be only once he has been recognized. Recognition is thus marked by a tension between two incompatible demands, a tension which triggers a struggle for recognition.Between Cultures is a philosophical attempt to discuss issues related to multiculturalism in the light of this struggle for recognition. Moving effortlessly between philosophy, psychoanalysis, sociology, political theory and literature, it refers to the work of Adorno, Derrida, Freud, Hegel, Heidegger, Rawls, Walzer and Wittgenstein to describe a historical and critical politics of recognition. It also addresses questions of national and sexual identities, with particular reference to the notion of a gay identity in the context of Aids.

I Fronesis nr 34 diskuteras folkets betydelse för demokratin. Vilket är det »folk« som ständigt åberopas för att genomdriva samhällsförändringar eller upprätthålla status quo? Vi undersöker folkbegreppets historia, samtida uttryck för populism och diskuterar folkmaktens betydelse i en värld där den politiska och ekonomiska makten allt mindre sammanfaller med nationalstatens gränser. Folkviljan, populismen och demokratin Politiken präglas alltmer av en vilja att företräda »vanligt folk«. Göran Hägglund och kristdemokraterna talar om »verklighetens folk« medan Sverigedemokraterna säger sig stå upp för »folkhemmet«. Ute i Europa har den populistiska radikalhögern letat sig in i både parlament och regeringar. I Latinamerika kommer de populistiska uttrycken tvärtom vänsterifrån. Demokrati handlar alltid om folket och dess rätt att styra sig självt. Men det är ingalunda självklart vilka som utgör folket eller vad som menas med folkviljan. Folket kan avse den samlade befolkningen, exempelvis när folkets röst ska uttryckas genom ett allmänt val. Men det kan också avse bara en del av befolkningen. »Vanligt folk« kan ställas mot samhällets eliter och svenskar kan ställas mot icke-svenskar. I Fronesis nr 34 diskuteras folkets betydelse för demokratin. Vilket är det »folk« som ständigt åberopas för att genomdriva samhällsförändringar eller upprätthålla status quo? Vi undersöker folkbegreppets historia, samtida uttryck för populism och diskuterar folkmaktens betydelse i en värld där den politiska och ekonomiska makten allt mindre sammanfaller med nationalstatens gränser. Den holländske statsvetaren Cas Mudde analyserar den populistiska radikalhögern i Europa och hävdar att den främst är en patologisk variant av ett tänkande som i övrigt accepteras i våra samhällen. Sverigedemokraternas hänvisningar till »folkhemmet« undersöks av statsvetaren Anders Hellström. Den italienske sociologen Carlo Ruzza skriver om den höger som styr Berlusconis Italien. Den argentisk-engelske filosofen Ernesto Laclau diskuterar utifrån exemplet Hugo Chávez populismens betydelse i dagens Latinamerika. Huruvida »putinismen« i Ryssland går att förstå som ett slags populism behandlas av statsvetaren Mi Lennhag. Vi publicerar dessutom en rad klassiska nyckeltexter, bland annat Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès »Vad är det tredje ståndet?« från 1789 och den tidiga feministen Elizabeth Cady Stantons Seneca Falls-förklaring från 1848. Historikern C. L. R. James diskuterar de slavuppror som ledde till bildandet av den första postkoloniala staten Haiti i början av 1800-talet. De politiska filosoferna Michael Hardt och Antonio Negri gör i sitt bidrag upp med de föreställningar om »folket« som traditionellt har präglat såväl vänsterns tänkande som andra synsätt. Innehåll i Fronesis nr 34 (211 sidor) * Magnus Wennerhag: Folkets röst * Christian Fernandez och Mikael Spång: Folket som politiskt subjekt * Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès: Vad är det tredje ståndet? * Thomas Jefferson: Självständighetsförklaringen * Elizabeth Cady Stanton: Seneca Falls-förklaringen * Per Albin Hansson: Folkhemstalet * Ernest Renan: Vad är en nation? * C. L. R. James: De svarta och revolutionen * Anders Hellström och Mi Lennhag: Folkets vänner * Cas Mudde: Den populistiska radikalhögern * Ernesto Laclau: Den populistiska vågen och den latinamerikanska mittenvänstern * Anders Hellström: Det nya folkhemspartiet * Mi Lennhag: Populism, putinism och popularitet * Carlo Ruzza: Populism, antipolitik, samhällsgemenskap och modernitet hos den italienska högern * Sara Kalm: Folket efter nationalstaten * Sofia Näsström: Folket en normativ utmaning * James Bohman: Mångkultur, pluralism och demokrati * Kommittén för ett demokratiskt FN: För en parlamentarisk församling inom Förenta nationerna * Michael Hardt och Antonio Negri: Multitudens ögonblick

I Fronesis nr 1 lyfts grundläggande maktfrågor. Fokus sätts på ekonomins ständiga konfliktdimension. I stället för att se ekonomins demokratisering som en historisk nödvändighet, diskuterar vi den som en möjlighet att utmana maktförhållanden som alltför ofta tas för givna. Men det handlar inte bara om maktförhållanden inom den ekonomiska sfären, utan även om vad som konstituerar ekonomin som avskild sfär med egen logik. Det politiska handlar lika mycket om maktkamp inom en viss sfär som en kamp om denna sfärs gränser mot samhällets övriga liv. Innehåll i Fronesis nr 1 (202 sidor): Olle Sahlström: Praktiskt förnuft Svante Skoglund: I stället för cynism och uppgivenhet Magnus Wennerhag: Varför demokratisk ekonomi? Jan Lindhagen: Vid källan smakar vattnet bäst eller Varför går vi medströms? Anders Kalat: Tänkande utan grund Ernesto Laclau och Chantal Mouffe: Socialdemokratin: Från stagnation till ”plantänkande” Gunnar Hansson: Gillesocialismen och Cole G. D. H. Cole: Gilletankens uppkomst Gunnar Hansson: SAP och Wigforss Utdrag ur protokoll från SAP:s kongress 1920: Industriell demokrati Gunnar Hansson: Wigforss och industriell demokrati Klas Gustavsson: Antonio Gramsci Antonio Gramsci: Amerikanism och Fordism Rudolf Meidner: Några kommentarer till ”Det sociala ägandet av kapital” Richard Minns: Det sociala ägandet av kapital Cecilia von Otter: Inte bara en fråga om klass Aleksandra Ålund: Etniska ungdomar och den sociala krisen - Om utbildning, arbete och identitet Alice Kessler-Harris: Genusidentitet: Rätten till arbete och idén om ett ekonomiskt medborgarskap

In this highly original work Ernesto Laclau continues the philosophical and political exploration initiated in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. Here he focuses on the construction of popular identities and how "the people" emerge as a collective actor. Skillfully combining theoretical analysis with a myriad of empirical references from numerous historical and geographical contexts he offers a critical reading of the existing literature on populism, demonstrating its dependency on the theorists of "mass psychology" such as Taine and Freud. He demonstrates the relation of populism to democracy and to the logic of representation, and differentiates his approach from the work of Zizek, Hardt and Negri, and Ranciere. This book is essential reading for all those interested in the question of political identities in present-day societies.