This book examines PRC “involved” seaports overseas, where involvement can take the form of PRC foreign direct investment (FDI), contracting, and/or terminal operations, in countries such as Cambodia, Pakistan, and the Philippines.

Including country-oriented chapters the book sheds light on inter alia the realization (or not) of Chinese seaports, the effects of Chinese participation on port performance, trade, FDI, employment, and the environment, and the wider economic, political, and other ramifications of China’s role. Importantly, the case studies in the book clearly demonstrate that amongst these ports there are successes and failures, positive or negative effects are not preordained, and domestic and international political factors notably influence what occurs in these overseas ports. The book also illuminates the critical role of 3rd parties (including India) in shaping the dynamics of China’s participation in Southeast and South Asian ports and evaluate the potential for Chinese-involved ports to become naval bases.

Presenting contributions from experts on Southeast and South Asia and utilising rich empirical data to reveal the factors that are driving China''s participation overseas this book will appeal to students and scholars of Asian and Southeast Asian studies, international relations, particularly through the lens of economic relations.

This book examines PRC “involved” seaports overseas, where involvement can take the form of PRC foreign direct investment (FDI), contracting, and/or terminal operations, in countries such as Cambodia, Pakistan, and the Philippines.

Including country-oriented chapters the book sheds light on inter alia the realization (or not) of Chinese seaports, the effects of Chinese participation on port performance, trade, FDI, employment, and the environment, and the wider economic, political, and other ramifications of China’s role. Importantly, the case studies in the book clearly demonstrate that amongst these ports there are successes and failures, positive or negative effects are not preordained, and domestic and international political factors notably influence what occurs in these overseas ports. The book also illuminates the critical role of 3rd parties (including India) in shaping the dynamics of China’s participation in Southeast and South Asian ports and evaluate the potential for Chinese-involved ports to become naval bases.

Presenting contributions from experts on Southeast and South Asia and utilising rich empirical data to reveal the factors that are driving China''s participation overseas this book will appeal to students and scholars of Asian and Southeast Asian studies, international relations, particularly through the lens of economic relations.

This book develops a unified theory of economic statecraft to clarify when and how sanctions and incentives can be used effectively to secure meaningful policy concessions.

High-profile applications of economic statecraft have yielded varying degrees of success. The mixed record of economic incentives and economic sanctions in many cases raises important questions. Under what conditions can states modify the behaviour of other states by offering them tangible economic rewards or by threatening to disrupt existing economic relations? To what extent does the success of economic statecraft depend on the magnitude of economic penalties and rewards?

In order to answer these questions, this book develops two analytic models: one weighs the threats economic statecraft poses to the Target’s Strategic Interests (TSI); while the other (stateness) assesses the degree to which the target state is insulated from domestic political pressures that senders attempt to generate or exploit. Through a series of carefully crafted case studies, including African apartheid and Japanese incentives to obtain the return of the Northern Territories, the authors demonstrate how their model can yield important policy insights in regards to contemporary economic sanctions and incentives cases, such as Iran and North Korea.

This book will be of much interest to students of statecraft, sanctions, diplomacy, foreign policy, and international security in general.

This book develops a unified theory of economic statecraft to clarify when and how sanctions and incentives can be used effectively to secure meaningful policy concessions.

High-profile applications of economic statecraft have yielded varying degrees of success. The mixed record of economic incentives and economic sanctions in many cases raises important questions. Under what conditions can states modify the behaviour of other states by offering them tangible economic rewards or by threatening to disrupt existing economic relations? To what extent does the success of economic statecraft depend on the magnitude of economic penalties and rewards?

In order to answer these questions, this book develops two analytic models: one weighs the threats economic statecraft poses to the Target’s Strategic Interests (TSI); while the other (stateness) assesses the degree to which the target state is insulated from domestic political pressures that senders attempt to generate or exploit. Through a series of carefully crafted case studies, including African apartheid and Japanese incentives to obtain the return of the Northern Territories, the authors demonstrate how their model can yield important policy insights in regards to contemporary economic sanctions and incentives cases, such as Iran and North Korea.

This book will be of much interest to students of statecraft, sanctions, diplomacy, foreign policy, and international security in general.

The "Taiwan question" has long been considered one of the most complicated and explosive issues in global politics. In recent years, however, relations between Taiwan and the Chinese mainland have improved substantially to the surprise of many. In this ground-breaking collection, distinguished contributors from the US, Asia, and Europe seek to go beyond the standard "recitation of facts" that often characterizes studies focusing on the Beijing-Taipei dyad. Rather, they employ a variety of theories as well as both quantitative and qualitative methodologies to analyze the ebbs and flows of the Taiwan issue. Their discussions clearly illuminate why there is a "Taiwan Problem," why conflict did not escalate to war between 2000 and 2008, and why cross-Strait relations improved after 2008. The book further reveals the limits of realism as a device to gain traction into the Taiwan issue, demonstrates the importance of taking into account domestic political variables, and shows how theory can be used to advance the cause of better China-Taiwan relations and to analyze the potential for future conflict over Taiwan.

New Thinking about the Taiwan Issue is essential reading not only for students, scholars and practitioners with an interest in studying relations across the Taiwan Strait, but also for any reader interested in economics, international relations, comparative politics or political theory.

The "Taiwan question" has long been considered one of the most complicated and explosive issues in global politics. In recent years, however, relations between Taiwan and the Chinese mainland have improved substantially to the surprise of many. In this ground-breaking collection, distinguished contributors from the US, Asia, and Europe seek to go beyond the standard "recitation of facts" that often characterizes studies focusing on the Beijing-Taipei dyad. Rather, they employ a variety of theories as well as both quantitative and qualitative methodologies to analyze the ebbs and flows of the Taiwan issue. Their discussions clearly illuminate why there is a "Taiwan Problem," why conflict did not escalate to war between 2000 and 2008, and why cross-Strait relations improved after 2008. The book further reveals the limits of realism as a device to gain traction into the Taiwan issue, demonstrates the importance of taking into account domestic political variables, and shows how theory can be used to advance the cause of better China-Taiwan relations and to analyze the potential for future conflict over Taiwan.

New Thinking about the Taiwan Issue is essential reading not only for students, scholars and practitioners with an interest in studying relations across the Taiwan Strait, but also for any reader interested in economics, international relations, comparative politics or political theory.

Before the recent Ukrainian crisis, Russia was one of the main sources of foreign direct investment (FDI) outflow and one of the main targets of FDI inflow in the world. However, the events in the Ukraine, the formation of the Eurasian Economic Union, and China’s growing interest in the Russian market and its natural resources have changed the picture completely.

This new book brings together an international group of contributors to present a timely and comprehensive analysis of FDI to and from Russia. The book assesses the impact of the changed international political situation on foreign firms operating in Russia, and explores how the new world context has affected Russian investments abroad. The book also considers the future relationship between Russian corporations and the EU and the USA in light of recent events. This book answers an array of key questions including: how have investments from and to Russia developed in the last 100 years; how are Russian businesses spreading to foreign countries through their indirect investments; and how is the Russian Government influencing the investments of Russian businesses abroad?

This volume is of great interest to those who study international economics, modern world economy, and FDI, as well as those interested in international investment movements and the changing role of Russia in international business and the global economy.

Numerous crosswinds are buffeting the more than 40-year-old People''s Republic of China--American relationship, yet only once since Nixon’s historic trip to China in 1972 has a major conflagration seemed a real possibility. Anchoring the relationship throughout multiple storms are the two countries’ broad areas of collaboration such as deep links in culture, economics, and education. However, for some observers, the conflictual aspects of the relationship seem to be gaining prominence.

Conflict and Cooperation in Sino-US Relations offers a timely and current look at one of the world’s weightiest bilateral relationships. It goes beyond detailing the conflict and cooperation that have been integral facets of China--US interactions since 1972, to gauging the relationship''s evolution and future trends, examining its nuances regarding diverse issues such as the Asia-Pacific leadership structure, the South China Sea, and the Korean peninsula. The book further delves into the causes of conflict and cooperation, offers diverse solutions for tempering frictions between Beijing and Washington, and considers the efficacy of some of the mechanisms (e.g., military-to-military exchanges) that China and the US currently employ to manage their relationship.The chapters suggest that extreme anxieties about China--US relations may be misplaced, but that there nonetheless are some worrisome signs even in areas like economics and the environment that are perceived as naturally cooperative. While the book does not offer any silver bullets, various contributors contend that successful management of Sino-American relations may require greater American accommodation of China’s interests.

This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of Chinese politics, American politics, international relations, and Asian studies, as well as to policy-makers working in the field.

Numerous crosswinds are buffeting the more than 40-year-old People''s Republic of China--American relationship, yet only once since Nixon’s historic trip to China in 1972 has a major conflagration seemed a real possibility. Anchoring the relationship throughout multiple storms are the two countries’ broad areas of collaboration such as deep links in culture, economics, and education. However, for some observers, the conflictual aspects of the relationship seem to be gaining prominence.

Conflict and Cooperation in Sino-US Relations offers a timely and current look at one of the world’s weightiest bilateral relationships. It goes beyond detailing the conflict and cooperation that have been integral facets of China--US interactions since 1972, to gauging the relationship''s evolution and future trends, examining its nuances regarding diverse issues such as the Asia-Pacific leadership structure, the South China Sea, and the Korean peninsula. The book further delves into the causes of conflict and cooperation, offers diverse solutions for tempering frictions between Beijing and Washington, and considers the efficacy of some of the mechanisms (e.g., military-to-military exchanges) that China and the US currently employ to manage their relationship.The chapters suggest that extreme anxieties about China--US relations may be misplaced, but that there nonetheless are some worrisome signs even in areas like economics and the environment that are perceived as naturally cooperative. While the book does not offer any silver bullets, various contributors contend that successful management of Sino-American relations may require greater American accommodation of China’s interests.

This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of Chinese politics, American politics, international relations, and Asian studies, as well as to policy-makers working in the field.

This book brings together a diverse range of responses to China''s Marine Silk Road Initiative, which proposes to redraw the map of Asia, particularly South Asia. China’s 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) is a massive scheme to connect wide swaths of East, Southeast, South, and West Asia through a dense web of interconnected hard and soft infrastructure involving ports, roads, logistics facilities, special industrial zones, and free trade and investment agreements. This book will be invaluable for students of Chinese foreign security and foreign economic policy, those interested in South Asia including Indian foreign security and economic policy as well as Indian relations with China, those attentive to international economic developments in East and South Asia, and those interested in the political and economic situation in specific MSRI participant countries such as Pakistan, Maldives, and Sri Lanka as well as their political and economic relations with China.  

This book examines PRC “involved” seaports overseas, where involvement can take the form of PRC foreign direct investment (FDI), contracting, and/or terminal operations, in countries such as Cambodia, Pakistan, and the Philippines.

Including country-oriented chapters the book sheds light on inter alia the realization (or not) of Chinese seaports, the effects of Chinese participation on port performance, trade, FDI, employment, and the environment, and the wider economic, political, and other ramifications of China’s role. Importantly, the case studies in the book clearly demonstrate that amongst these ports there are successes and failures, positive or negative effects are not preordained, and domestic and international political factors notably influence what occurs in these overseas ports. The book also illuminates the critical role of 3rd parties (including India) in shaping the dynamics of China’s participation in Southeast and South Asian ports and evaluate the potential for Chinese-involved ports to become naval bases.

Presenting contributions from experts on Southeast and South Asia and utilising rich empirical data to reveal the factors that are driving China''s participation overseas this book will appeal to students and scholars of Asian and Southeast Asian studies, international relations, particularly through the lens of economic relations.

This book examines PRC “involved” seaports overseas, where involvement can take the form of PRC foreign direct investment (FDI), contracting, and/or terminal operations, in countries such as Cambodia, Pakistan, and the Philippines.

Including country-oriented chapters the book sheds light on inter alia the realization (or not) of Chinese seaports, the effects of Chinese participation on port performance, trade, FDI, employment, and the environment, and the wider economic, political, and other ramifications of China’s role. Importantly, the case studies in the book clearly demonstrate that amongst these ports there are successes and failures, positive or negative effects are not preordained, and domestic and international political factors notably influence what occurs in these overseas ports. The book also illuminates the critical role of 3rd parties (including India) in shaping the dynamics of China’s participation in Southeast and South Asian ports and evaluate the potential for Chinese-involved ports to become naval bases.

Presenting contributions from experts on Southeast and South Asia and utilising rich empirical data to reveal the factors that are driving China''s participation overseas this book will appeal to students and scholars of Asian and Southeast Asian studies, international relations, particularly through the lens of economic relations.

This book develops a unified theory of economic statecraft to clarify when and how sanctions and incentives can be used effectively to secure meaningful policy concessions.

High-profile applications of economic statecraft have yielded varying degrees of success. The mixed record of economic incentives and economic sanctions in many cases raises important questions. Under what conditions can states modify the behaviour of other states by offering them tangible economic rewards or by threatening to disrupt existing economic relations? To what extent does the success of economic statecraft depend on the magnitude of economic penalties and rewards?

In order to answer these questions, this book develops two analytic models: one weighs the threats economic statecraft poses to the Target’s Strategic Interests (TSI); while the other (stateness) assesses the degree to which the target state is insulated from domestic political pressures that senders attempt to generate or exploit. Through a series of carefully crafted case studies, including African apartheid and Japanese incentives to obtain the return of the Northern Territories, the authors demonstrate how their model can yield important policy insights in regards to contemporary economic sanctions and incentives cases, such as Iran and North Korea.

This book will be of much interest to students of statecraft, sanctions, diplomacy, foreign policy, and international security in general.

This book develops a unified theory of economic statecraft to clarify when and how sanctions and incentives can be used effectively to secure meaningful policy concessions.

High-profile applications of economic statecraft have yielded varying degrees of success. The mixed record of economic incentives and economic sanctions in many cases raises important questions. Under what conditions can states modify the behaviour of other states by offering them tangible economic rewards or by threatening to disrupt existing economic relations? To what extent does the success of economic statecraft depend on the magnitude of economic penalties and rewards?

In order to answer these questions, this book develops two analytic models: one weighs the threats economic statecraft poses to the Target’s Strategic Interests (TSI); while the other (stateness) assesses the degree to which the target state is insulated from domestic political pressures that senders attempt to generate or exploit. Through a series of carefully crafted case studies, including African apartheid and Japanese incentives to obtain the return of the Northern Territories, the authors demonstrate how their model can yield important policy insights in regards to contemporary economic sanctions and incentives cases, such as Iran and North Korea.

This book will be of much interest to students of statecraft, sanctions, diplomacy, foreign policy, and international security in general.

The "Taiwan question" has long been considered one of the most complicated and explosive issues in global politics. In recent years, however, relations between Taiwan and the Chinese mainland have improved substantially to the surprise of many. In this ground-breaking collection, distinguished contributors from the US, Asia, and Europe seek to go beyond the standard "recitation of facts" that often characterizes studies focusing on the Beijing-Taipei dyad. Rather, they employ a variety of theories as well as both quantitative and qualitative methodologies to analyze the ebbs and flows of the Taiwan issue. Their discussions clearly illuminate why there is a "Taiwan Problem," why conflict did not escalate to war between 2000 and 2008, and why cross-Strait relations improved after 2008. The book further reveals the limits of realism as a device to gain traction into the Taiwan issue, demonstrates the importance of taking into account domestic political variables, and shows how theory can be used to advance the cause of better China-Taiwan relations and to analyze the potential for future conflict over Taiwan.

New Thinking about the Taiwan Issue is essential reading not only for students, scholars and practitioners with an interest in studying relations across the Taiwan Strait, but also for any reader interested in economics, international relations, comparative politics or political theory.

The "Taiwan question" has long been considered one of the most complicated and explosive issues in global politics. In recent years, however, relations between Taiwan and the Chinese mainland have improved substantially to the surprise of many. In this ground-breaking collection, distinguished contributors from the US, Asia, and Europe seek to go beyond the standard "recitation of facts" that often characterizes studies focusing on the Beijing-Taipei dyad. Rather, they employ a variety of theories as well as both quantitative and qualitative methodologies to analyze the ebbs and flows of the Taiwan issue. Their discussions clearly illuminate why there is a "Taiwan Problem," why conflict did not escalate to war between 2000 and 2008, and why cross-Strait relations improved after 2008. The book further reveals the limits of realism as a device to gain traction into the Taiwan issue, demonstrates the importance of taking into account domestic political variables, and shows how theory can be used to advance the cause of better China-Taiwan relations and to analyze the potential for future conflict over Taiwan.

New Thinking about the Taiwan Issue is essential reading not only for students, scholars and practitioners with an interest in studying relations across the Taiwan Strait, but also for any reader interested in economics, international relations, comparative politics or political theory.

Before the recent Ukrainian crisis, Russia was one of the main sources of foreign direct investment (FDI) outflow and one of the main targets of FDI inflow in the world. However, the events in the Ukraine, the formation of the Eurasian Economic Union, and China’s growing interest in the Russian market and its natural resources have changed the picture completely.

This new book brings together an international group of contributors to present a timely and comprehensive analysis of FDI to and from Russia. The book assesses the impact of the changed international political situation on foreign firms operating in Russia, and explores how the new world context has affected Russian investments abroad. The book also considers the future relationship between Russian corporations and the EU and the USA in light of recent events. This book answers an array of key questions including: how have investments from and to Russia developed in the last 100 years; how are Russian businesses spreading to foreign countries through their indirect investments; and how is the Russian Government influencing the investments of Russian businesses abroad?

This volume is of great interest to those who study international economics, modern world economy, and FDI, as well as those interested in international investment movements and the changing role of Russia in international business and the global economy.

Numerous crosswinds are buffeting the more than 40-year-old People''s Republic of China--American relationship, yet only once since Nixon’s historic trip to China in 1972 has a major conflagration seemed a real possibility. Anchoring the relationship throughout multiple storms are the two countries’ broad areas of collaboration such as deep links in culture, economics, and education. However, for some observers, the conflictual aspects of the relationship seem to be gaining prominence.

Conflict and Cooperation in Sino-US Relations offers a timely and current look at one of the world’s weightiest bilateral relationships. It goes beyond detailing the conflict and cooperation that have been integral facets of China--US interactions since 1972, to gauging the relationship''s evolution and future trends, examining its nuances regarding diverse issues such as the Asia-Pacific leadership structure, the South China Sea, and the Korean peninsula. The book further delves into the causes of conflict and cooperation, offers diverse solutions for tempering frictions between Beijing and Washington, and considers the efficacy of some of the mechanisms (e.g., military-to-military exchanges) that China and the US currently employ to manage their relationship.The chapters suggest that extreme anxieties about China--US relations may be misplaced, but that there nonetheless are some worrisome signs even in areas like economics and the environment that are perceived as naturally cooperative. While the book does not offer any silver bullets, various contributors contend that successful management of Sino-American relations may require greater American accommodation of China’s interests.

This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of Chinese politics, American politics, international relations, and Asian studies, as well as to policy-makers working in the field.

Numerous crosswinds are buffeting the more than 40-year-old People''s Republic of China--American relationship, yet only once since Nixon’s historic trip to China in 1972 has a major conflagration seemed a real possibility. Anchoring the relationship throughout multiple storms are the two countries’ broad areas of collaboration such as deep links in culture, economics, and education. However, for some observers, the conflictual aspects of the relationship seem to be gaining prominence.

Conflict and Cooperation in Sino-US Relations offers a timely and current look at one of the world’s weightiest bilateral relationships. It goes beyond detailing the conflict and cooperation that have been integral facets of China--US interactions since 1972, to gauging the relationship''s evolution and future trends, examining its nuances regarding diverse issues such as the Asia-Pacific leadership structure, the South China Sea, and the Korean peninsula. The book further delves into the causes of conflict and cooperation, offers diverse solutions for tempering frictions between Beijing and Washington, and considers the efficacy of some of the mechanisms (e.g., military-to-military exchanges) that China and the US currently employ to manage their relationship.The chapters suggest that extreme anxieties about China--US relations may be misplaced, but that there nonetheless are some worrisome signs even in areas like economics and the environment that are perceived as naturally cooperative. While the book does not offer any silver bullets, various contributors contend that successful management of Sino-American relations may require greater American accommodation of China’s interests.

This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of Chinese politics, American politics, international relations, and Asian studies, as well as to policy-makers working in the field.

This book brings together a diverse range of responses to China''s Marine Silk Road Initiative, which proposes to redraw the map of Asia, particularly South Asia. China’s 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) is a massive scheme to connect wide swaths of East, Southeast, South, and West Asia through a dense web of interconnected hard and soft infrastructure involving ports, roads, logistics facilities, special industrial zones, and free trade and investment agreements. This book will be invaluable for students of Chinese foreign security and foreign economic policy, those interested in South Asia including Indian foreign security and economic policy as well as Indian relations with China, those attentive to international economic developments in East and South Asia, and those interested in the political and economic situation in specific MSRI participant countries such as Pakistan, Maldives, and Sri Lanka as well as their political and economic relations with China.