Jean-Pierre Cabestan – författare

The boundaries between secessionism and separatism are often blurred, and in many cases study of secessionism encompasses that of separatism and vice versa. Recognising this inherent relationship, this book provides a comparative survey of recent attempts at secession and separatist movements from across Europe and Asia, and assesses the responses of the respective host governments. The essays address two main questions which arise from the relationship between state governments and secessionist movements: first, how secessionist or separatist movements gather support and mobilize their target populations and second, how central political authorities respond to the challenges that secessionist or separatist movements pose to their capacity to control the country. With political analysis of recent cases ranging from the Balkans, the USSR, the UK and the Basque Country, to Sri Lanka, Burma, China, Tibet and Taiwan, the authors identify both similarities and differences in the processes and outcomes of secessionist and separatist movements across the two distinct regions. This volume will be an invaluable resource for those who wish to understand the dynamics of secessionist movements and as such will appeal to students and scholars of Asian and European politics, comparative politics, international relations and conflict studies. It will also be helpful to practitioners and policy-makers who wish to understand and contribute to the resolution of such conflicts.

This book examines China’s response to the 2007-2008 global financial crisis, and the resulting new status acquired by China within the international economy. It considers the things China did to weather the crisis, discussing the stimulus package put in place by China and how China’s banks coped, but above all examines the measures which countries outside China look to China to put in place in order to better encourage and secure world-wide economic recovery, measures such as currency revaluation, tax reform and greater stimulation of domestic demand. The book contrasts China’s response to the crisis, and China’s increasingly central role in the world economy, with the responses of the European Union. The book also assesses China’s increasingly important regional role, in particular its dialogue with the new Japanese government, and China’s positioning towards Southeast Asia, and also discusses the growth of Chinese foreign direct investment.

In 2008 Ma Ying-jeou was elected President of Taiwan, and the Kuomintang (KMT) returned to power after eight years of rule by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). Since taking power, the KMT has faced serious difficulties, as economic growth has been sluggish, society has been polarised over issues of identity and policy, and rapprochement between Taipei and Beijing has met with suspicion or reservation among large segments of Taiwanese society. Indeed, while improved relations with the United States have bolstered Taiwan’s security, warming cross-Strait relations have in turn made Taiwan more dependent upon and vulnerable to an increasingly powerful China. This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the return of the Kuomintang (KMT) to power, and examines the significant domestic political, economic, social and international challenges and changes that have characterized Taiwan since 2008. It identifies the major domestic, cross-Strait and foreign policy trends, and addresses key issues such as elections and Taiwan’s party system; the role of the presidency and legislature; economic development; social movements; identity politics; developments in cross-Strait relations; Taiwan’s security environment and national defence policies; relations with the US and Japan. In turn, the contributors look towards the final years of Ma’s presidency and beyond, and the structural realities – both domestic and external – that will shape Taiwan’s future.Political Changes in Taiwan Under Ma Ying-jeou will be of great interest to students and scholars of Taiwan studies, comparative politics, international relations, and economics. It will also appeal to policy makers working in the field.

The boundaries between secessionism and separatism are often blurred, and in many cases study of secessionism encompasses that of separatism and vice versa. Recognising this inherent relationship, this book provides a comparative survey of recent attempts at secession and separatist movements from across Europe and Asia, and assesses the responses of the respective host governments. The essays address two main questions which arise from the relationship between state governments and secessionist movements: first, how secessionist or separatist movements gather support and mobilize their target populations and second, how central political authorities respond to the challenges that secessionist or separatist movements pose to their capacity to control the country. With political analysis of recent cases ranging from the Balkans, the USSR, the UK and the Basque Country, to Sri Lanka, Burma, China, Tibet and Taiwan, the authors identify both similarities and differences in the processes and outcomes of secessionist and separatist movements across the two distinct regions. This volume will be an invaluable resource for those who wish to understand the dynamics of secessionist movements and as such will appeal to students and scholars of Asian and European politics, comparative politics, international relations and conflict studies. It will also be helpful to practitioners and policy-makers who wish to understand and contribute to the resolution of such conflicts.

In 2008 Ma Ying-jeou was elected President of Taiwan, and the Kuomintang (KMT) returned to power after eight years of rule by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). Since taking power, the KMT has faced serious difficulties, as economic growth has been sluggish, society has been polarised over issues of identity and policy, and rapprochement between Taipei and Beijing has met with suspicion or reservation among large segments of Taiwanese society. Indeed, while improved relations with the United States have bolstered Taiwan’s security, warming cross-Strait relations have in turn made Taiwan more dependent upon and vulnerable to an increasingly powerful China. This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the return of the Kuomintang (KMT) to power, and examines the significant domestic political, economic, social and international challenges and changes that have characterized Taiwan since 2008. It identifies the major domestic, cross-Strait and foreign policy trends, and addresses key issues such as elections and Taiwan’s party system; the role of the presidency and legislature; economic development; social movements; identity politics; developments in cross-Strait relations; Taiwan’s security environment and national defence policies; relations with the US and Japan. In turn, the contributors look towards the final years of Ma’s presidency and beyond, and the structural realities – both domestic and external – that will shape Taiwan’s future.Political Changes in Taiwan Under Ma Ying-jeou will be of great interest to students and scholars of Taiwan studies, comparative politics, international relations, and economics. It will also appeal to policy makers working in the field.

This book examines China’s response to the 2007-2008 global financial crisis, and the resulting new status acquired by China within the international economy. It considers the things China did to weather the crisis, discussing the stimulus package put in place by China and how China’s banks coped, but above all examines the measures which countries outside China look to China to put in place in order to better encourage and secure world-wide economic recovery, measures such as currency revaluation, tax reform and greater stimulation of domestic demand. The book contrasts China’s response to the crisis, and China’s increasingly central role in the world economy, with the responses of the European Union. The book also assesses China’s increasingly important regional role, in particular its dialogue with the new Japanese government, and China’s positioning towards Southeast Asia, and also discusses the growth of Chinese foreign direct investment.

Arguing against conventional wisdom, this important book makes a compelling case for the continuing strength of China’s one-party system. Many analysts have predicted that China’s unprecedented economic development and middle-class expansion would lead to a liberalization of its political regime and a move toward democracy. Instead, leading scholar Jean-Pierre Cabestan contends that the Chinese Communist Party will continue to adapt and prosper in the coming decades, representing a growing challenge to all democracies. Influenced by China’s traditional culture and even more so by the regime’s Soviet ideology, institutions, and modus operandi, most Chinese are not pushing for democracy, choosing security, stability and prosperity over political freedoms and participation.

Arguing against conventional wisdom, this important book makes a compelling case for the continuing strength of China’s one-party system. Many analysts have predicted that China’s unprecedented economic development and middle-class expansion would lead to a liberalization of its political regime and a move toward democracy. Instead, leading scholar Jean-Pierre Cabestan contends that the Chinese Communist Party will continue to adapt and prosper in the coming decades, representing a growing challenge to all democracies. Influenced by China’s traditional culture and even more so by the regime’s Soviet ideology, institutions, and modus operandi, most Chinese are not pushing for democracy, choosing security, stability and prosperity over political freedoms and participation.

Jean-Pierre Cabestan, a China specialist based in Hong Kong, provides an overview of “Thucydides’ Trap,” as coined by political scientist Graham Allison to describe the inescapable conflict between Beijing and Washington. Is China’s growing power a threat to the United States? Could it lead to war between the two nations? Economically and militarily stronger, and more nationalist than ever, the People’s Republic of China is increasingly tempted to use force to assert its power, especially in its immediate region. First, the author considers the factors around the threat of war, specifically on the Chinese side, then presents the three most likely armed conflict scenarios: around Taiwan; in the South China Sea; or in the Senkaku Islands under Japanese control. Cabestan also analyses the tensions between China and India along their common borders, which were revived in 2020.But the most likely scenario, according to Cabestan, would be a rapid, piecemeal attack, aimed at tearing borders apart or defending vested interests – not to mention increased cyber warfare. It could also manifest itself as the emergence of a new type of cold war, punctuated by crises bordering on either a nuclear strike or the use of new weapons. U.S.-Chinese tensions and the many potential fronts on which they could elevate are a conflict-in-waiting which will weigh on the 21st century and dominate international life as China seeks to become entrenched as a dominant world power.

Jean-Pierre Cabestan, a China specialist based in Hong Kong, provides an overview of “Thucydides’ Trap,” as coined by political scientist Graham Allison to describe the inescapable conflict between Beijing and Washington. Is China’s growing power a threat to the United States? Could it lead to war between the two nations? Economically and militarily stronger, and more nationalist than ever, the People’s Republic of China is increasingly tempted to use force to assert its power, especially in its immediate region. First, the author considers the factors around the threat of war, specifically on the Chinese side, then presents the three most likely armed conflict scenarios: around Taiwan; in the South China Sea; or in the Senkaku Islands under Japanese control. Cabestan also analyses the tensions between China and India along their common borders, which were revived in 2020.But the most likely scenario, according to Cabestan, would be a rapid, piecemeal attack, aimed at tearing borders apart or defending vested interests – not to mention increased cyber warfare. It could also manifest itself as the emergence of a new type of cold war, punctuated by crises bordering on either a nuclear strike or the use of new weapons. U.S.-Chinese tensions and the many potential fronts on which they could elevate are a conflict-in-waiting which will weigh on the 21st century and dominate international life as China seeks to become entrenched as a dominant world power.