Lisa Hill – författare

This volume is primarily concerned with equality as a basic component of the democratic character of representation. In other words, of the many types of equality that have attracted the attention of theorists since democracy’s beginnings – arithmetic equality, equality before the law, equality of opportunity– we would like to draw attention to representational equality, that is, the role of equality in systems of democratic representation. In what form is equality present in traditional forms of electoral representation? How can it be secured in new forms of representation, such as claims-making, deliberative, klerotarian and epistemic representation? And to what extent are electoral or non-electoral models of representation able to accommodate increasing social inequalities? The articles in this volume discuss these issues from a normative and conceptual point of view, seeking to shed new light on the important but under-explored relationship between equality and representation. This book was originally published as a special issue of Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.

This new study reveals how institutional practices and discourses shape the way men and women are conceived of, and how through this process, gender stereotypes and expectations are created.Informed by the latest research and trends, these expert authors examine the way in which domestic and global institutions shape and reflect gender interests and the extent to which feminists can challenge gender norms through political institutions. They examine regional, national and international institutions including the EU, ICC and UN and take a broad view of political institutions to include bureaucracy; federalism; legal structures; parliaments; voting and electoral institutions; and media coverage of women’s involvement in such institutions.Drawing on experiences in the US, UK, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand this book will be of great interest to students and scholars of gender studies, political science and comparative politics.

Australia has traditionally lacked a strong 'rights' culture. While fairness and equality have been proudly exalted as trademarks of the national mindset, the authors of The Politics of Human Rights in Australia argue that these same characteristics may equate to a form of cultural complacency. The book offers the first comprehensive account of Australia's protection of human rights from a political science perspective. Addressing the key debates surrounding human rights in Australia, the authors ask: Why are voting rights so critical in the Australian context? Should Australia adopt a bill of rights in an 'age of terror'? What are Australia's responsibilities to global and regional refugee crises? How can reconciliation between indigenous and non-indigenous Australians be facilitated? Written by three respected academics at the forefront of their fields, The Politics of Human Rights in Australia offers clarity and insight into the complex issues surrounding the human rights debate in Australia.

In many democracies, voter turnout is low and getting lower. If the people choose not to govern themselves, should they be forced to do so? For Jason Brennan, compulsory voting is unjust and a petty violation of citizens' liberty. The median non-voter is less informed and rational, as well as more biased, than the median voter. According to Lisa Hill, compulsory voting is a reasonable imposition on personal liberty. Hill points to the discernible benefits of compulsory voting and argues that high turnout elections are more democratically legitimate. The authors - both well-known for their work on voting and civic engagement - debate questions such as: • Do citizens have a duty to vote, and is it an enforceable duty? • Does compulsory voting violate citizens' liberty? If so, is this sufficient grounds to oppose it? Or is it a justifiable violation? Might it instead promote liberty on the whole? • Is low turnout a problem or a blessing?

In many democracies, voter turnout is low and getting lower. If the people choose not to govern themselves, should they be forced to do so? For Jason Brennan, compulsory voting is unjust and a petty violation of citizens' liberty. The median non-voter is less informed and rational, as well as more biased, than the median voter. According to Lisa Hill, compulsory voting is a reasonable imposition on personal liberty. Hill points to the discernible benefits of compulsory voting and argues that high turnout elections are more democratically legitimate. The authors - both well-known for their work on voting and civic engagement - debate questions such as: • Do citizens have a duty to vote, and is it an enforceable duty? • Does compulsory voting violate citizens' liberty? If so, is this sufficient grounds to oppose it? Or is it a justifiable violation? Might it instead promote liberty on the whole? • Is low turnout a problem or a blessing?

This volume is primarily concerned with equality as a basic component of the democratic character of representation. In other words, of the many types of equality that have attracted the attention of theorists since democracy’s beginnings – arithmetic equality, equality before the law, equality of opportunity– we would like to draw attention to representational equality, that is, the role of equality in systems of democratic representation. In what form is equality present in traditional forms of electoral representation? How can it be secured in new forms of representation, such as claims-making, deliberative, klerotarian and epistemic representation? And to what extent are electoral or non-electoral models of representation able to accommodate increasing social inequalities? The articles in this volume discuss these issues from a normative and conceptual point of view, seeking to shed new light on the important but under-explored relationship between equality and representation. This book was originally published as a special issue of Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.

This new study reveals how institutional practices and discourses shape the way men and women are conceived of, and how through this process, gender stereotypes and expectations are created.Informed by the latest research and trends, these expert authors examine the way in which domestic and global institutions shape and reflect gender interests and the extent to which feminists can challenge gender norms through political institutions. They examine regional, national and international institutions including the EU, ICC and UN and take a broad view of political institutions to include bureaucracy; federalism; legal structures; parliaments; voting and electoral institutions; and media coverage of women’s involvement in such institutions.Drawing on experiences in the US, UK, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand this book will be of great interest to students and scholars of gender studies, political science and comparative politics.

Adam Ferguson (1723-1816) was a major figure of the Scottish Enlightenment whose thought was, in many respects, original and distinctive. This book is a study of his ideas and of the intellectual forces that shaped them. Though somewhat overlooked in the nineteenth century, Ferguson was rescued from obscurity in the first half of the twentieth century by scholars interested in the origins of sociology and early critiques of modernity. Ferguson’s interest in the mechanics of social life and especially social change led him to many groundbreaking insights. In fact, he is sometimes identified as the 'Father of Modern Sociology'. In addition to exploring whether or not he merits this title, this study examines the whole of Ferguson’s thought as a system and includes his moral and faculty psychology, historiography, theology, politics and social science. Ferguson is distinguished by his deep appreciation of the complexity of the human condition; his study of society is based on the belief that it is not only reason, but the unseen, unplanned, sub-rational and visceral forces that keep the human universe in motion. Ferguson’s appreciation of this fact, and his ability to make social science of it, is his major achievement.

This book reveals the integrated, deeply political project that lies at the heart of Smith’s thought, showing both the breadth and novelty of Smith’s approach to political thought.

This book reveals the integrated, deeply political project that lies at the heart of Smith’s thought, showing both the breadth and novelty of Smith’s approach to political thought.

Adam Ferguson (1723-1816) was a major figure of the Scottish Enlightenment whose thought was, in many respects, original and distinctive. This book is a study of his ideas and of the intellectual forces that shaped them. Though somewhat overlooked in the nineteenth century, Ferguson was rescued from obscurity in the first half of the twentieth century by scholars interested in the origins of sociology and early critiques of modernity. Ferguson’s interest in the mechanics of social life and especially social change led him to many groundbreaking insights. In fact, he is sometimes identified as the 'Father of Modern Sociology'. In addition to exploring whether or not he merits this title, this study examines the whole of Ferguson’s thought as a system and includes his moral and faculty psychology, historiography, theology, politics and social science. Ferguson is distinguished by his deep appreciation of the complexity of the human condition; his study of society is based on the belief that it is not only reason, but the unseen, unplanned, sub-rational and visceral forces that keep the human universe in motion. Ferguson’s appreciation of this fact, and his ability to make social science of it, is his major achievement.

This book uniquely recovers and assesses Stoic political thought by tracking its uptake into Western modernity and exploring the extent of its impact. Classical Stoicism has lately seen a popular resurgence inspiring self-help books and therapeutic treatments for anxiety and depression. As a scholarly source for the Western political tradition, it is even more important.  Yet, as A.A. Long once observed: “[o]f all the ancient philosophies, Stoicism has probably had the most diffused” yet least “adequately acknowledged influence on Western thought.” This close textual study not only provides the first systematic study of the political content of Stoic thought but also establishes the hitherto under-appreciated influence of classical Stoicism on the political thought of the long eighteenth century and beyond in Europe and particularly Britain.  The Stoic ideas upon which we focus include their cosmopolitanism, their contribution tosociability and self-interest debates, their influence on modern feminism and utilitarianism, and their prefiguration of modern conceptions of personal rights.

This book uniquely recovers and assesses Stoic political thought by tracking its uptake into Western modernity and exploring the extent of its impact. Classical Stoicism has lately seen a popular resurgence inspiring self-help books and therapeutic treatments for anxiety and depression. As a scholarly source for the Western political tradition, it is even more important.  Yet, as A.A. Long once observed: “[o]f all the ancient philosophies, Stoicism has probably had the most diffused” yet least “adequately acknowledged influence on Western thought.” This close textual study not only provides the first systematic study of the political content of Stoic thought but also establishes the hitherto under-appreciated influence of classical Stoicism on the political thought of the long eighteenth century and beyond in Europe and particularly Britain.  The Stoic ideas upon which we focus include their cosmopolitanism, their contribution tosociability and self-interest debates, their influence on modern feminism and utilitarianism, and their prefiguration of modern conceptions of personal rights.

This open access book represents the first comprehensive, Australia-focused treatment of the problem of false election information disseminated for the purpose of gaining an electoral advantage.