Martina Steber – författare

When the Nazis seized power in Germany in 1933 they promised to create a new, harmonious society under the leadership of the Fuumlhrer, Adolf Hitler. The concept of Volksgemeinschaft - ''the people''s community'' - enshrined the Nazis'' vision of society''; a society based on racist, social-Darwinist, anti-democratic, and nationalist thought. The regime used Volksgemeinschaft to define who belonged to the National Socialist ''community'' and whodid not. Being accorded the status of belonging granted citizenship rights, access to the benefits of the welfare state, and opportunities for advancement, while these who were denied the privilege of belonging lost their right to live. They were shamed, excluded, imprisoned, murdered.Volksgemeinschaft was the Nazis'' project of social engineering, realized by state action, by administrative procedure, by party practice, by propaganda, and by individual initiative. Everyone deemed worthy of belonging was called to participate in its realization. Indeed, this collective notion was directed at the individual, and unleashed an enormous dynamism, which gave social change a particular direction. The Volksgemeinschaft concept was not strictly defined, which meantthat it was rather marked by a plurality of meaning and emphasis which resulted in a range of readings in the Third Reich, drawing in people from many social and political backgrounds.Visions of Community in Nazi Germany scrutinizes Volksgemeinschaft as the Nazis'' central vision of community. The contributors engage with individual appropriations, examine projects of social engineering, analyze the social dynamism unleashed, and show how deeply private lives were affected by this murderous vision of society.

When the Nazis seized power in Germany in 1933 they promised to create a new, harmonious society under the leadership of the Fuumlhrer, Adolf Hitler. The concept of Volksgemeinschaft - ''the people''s community'' - enshrined the Nazis'' vision of society''; a society based on racist, social-Darwinist, anti-democratic, and nationalist thought. The regime used Volksgemeinschaft to define who belonged to the National Socialist ''community'' and whodid not. Being accorded the status of belonging granted citizenship rights, access to the benefits of the welfare state, and opportunities for advancement, while these who were denied the privilege of belonging lost their right to live. They were shamed, excluded, imprisoned, murdered.Volksgemeinschaft was the Nazis'' project of social engineering, realized by state action, by administrative procedure, by party practice, by propaganda, and by individual initiative. Everyone deemed worthy of belonging was called to participate in its realization. Indeed, this collective notion was directed at the individual, and unleashed an enormous dynamism, which gave social change a particular direction. The Volksgemeinschaft concept was not strictly defined, which meantthat it was rather marked by a plurality of meaning and emphasis which resulted in a range of readings in the Third Reich, drawing in people from many social and political backgrounds.Visions of Community in Nazi Germany scrutinizes Volksgemeinschaft as the Nazis'' central vision of community. The contributors engage with individual appropriations, examine projects of social engineering, analyze the social dynamism unleashed, and show how deeply private lives were affected by this murderous vision of society.

When the Nazis seized power in Germany in 1933 they promised to create a new, harmonious society under the leadership of the F^uuml^hrer, Adolf Hitler. The concept of Volksgemeinschaft - 'the people's community' - enshrined the Nazis' vision of society'; a society based on racist, social-Darwinist, anti-democratic, and nationalist thought. The regime used Volksgemeinschaft to define who belonged to the National Socialist 'community' and who did not. Being accorded the status of belonging granted citizenship rights, access to the benefits of the welfare state, and opportunities for advancement, while these who were denied the privilege of belonging lost their right to live. They were shamed, excluded, imprisoned, murdered. Volksgemeinschaft was the Nazis' project of social engineering, realized by state action, by administrative procedure, by party practice, by propaganda, and by individual initiative. Everyone deemed worthy of belonging was called to participate in its realization. Indeed, this collective notion was directed at the individual, and unleashed an enormous dynamism, which gave social change a particular direction. The Volksgemeinschaft concept was not strictly defined, which meant that it was rather marked by a plurality of meaning and emphasis which resulted in a range of readings in the Third Reich, drawing in people from many social and political backgrounds. Visions of Community in Nazi Germany scrutinizes Volksgemeinschaft as the Nazis' central vision of community. The contributors engage with individual appropriations, examine projects of social engineering, analyze the social dynamism unleashed, and show how deeply private lives were affected by this murderous vision of society.

When the Nazis seized power in Germany in 1933 they promised to create a new, harmonious society under the leadership of the Führer, Adolf Hitler. The concept of Volksgemeinschaft - 'the people's community' - enshrined the Nazis' vision of society'; a society based on racist, social-Darwinist, anti-democratic, and nationalist thought. The regime used Volksgemeinschaft to define who belonged to the National Socialist 'community' and who did not. Being accorded the status of belonging granted citizenship rights, access to the benefits of the welfare state, and opportunities for advancement, while these who were denied the privilege of belonging lost their right to live. They were shamed, excluded, imprisoned, murdered. Volksgemeinschaft was the Nazis' project of social engineering, realized by state action, by administrative procedure, by party practice, by propaganda, and by individual initiative. Everyone deemed worthy of belonging was called to participate in its realization. Indeed, this collective notion was directed at the individual, and unleashed an enormous dynamism, which gave social change a particular direction. The Volksgemeinschaft concept was not strictly defined, which meant that it was rather marked by a plurality of meaning and emphasis which resulted in a range of readings in the Third Reich, drawing in people from many social and political backgrounds.Visions of Community in Nazi Germany scrutinizes Volksgemeinschaft as the Nazis' central vision of community. The contributors engage with individual appropriations, examine projects of social engineering, analyze the social dynamism unleashed, and show how deeply private lives were affected by this murderous vision of society.

“The West” is a central idea in German public discourse, yet historians know surprisingly little about the evolution of the concept. Contrary to common assumptions, this volume argues that the German concept of the West was not born in the twentieth century, but can be traced from a much earlier time. In the nineteenth century, “the West” became associated with notions of progress, liberty, civilization, and modernity. It signified the future through the opposition to antonyms such as “Russia” and “the East,” and was deployed as a tool for forging German identities. Examining the shifting meanings, political uses, and transnational circulations of the idea of “the West” sheds new light on German intellectual history from the post-Napoleonic era to the Cold War.

“The West” is a central idea in German public discourse, yet historians know surprisingly little about the evolution of the concept. Contrary to common assumptions, this volume argues that the German concept of the West was not born in the twentieth century, but can be traced from a much earlier time. In the nineteenth century, “the West” became associated with notions of progress, liberty, civilization, and modernity. It signified the future through the opposition to antonyms such as “Russia” and “the East,” and was deployed as a tool for forging German identities. Examining the shifting meanings, political uses, and transnational circulations of the idea of “the West” sheds new light on German intellectual history from the post-Napoleonic era to the Cold War.

Since 1945, what ‘conservative’ means has troubled intellectuals, politicians and parties in the United Kingdom and West Germany. In Britain conservatism was an accepted term of the political vocabulary, denoting a particular tradition of political thought and practice. In West Germany, by contrast, conservatism was a difficult concept for the young democracy to swallow. It carried a heavy antiliberal and antidemocratic burden and led people to question whether there was a place for conservatism within democratic culture after all.The Guardians of Concepts scrutinizes the debates about conservatism in the UK and the Federal Republic of Germany from the late 1940s to the early 1980s. Informed by historical semantics, it conceives of conservatism as a flexible linguistic structure, and shows the importance of language for the self-understanding of many conservatives, who not by chance, have regarded themselves as the guardians of concepts. The intense national and transnational debates about the meaning of conservatism had far-reaching consequences and continue to influence politics today.

Small-scale living environments shaped existence from the German Empire to the Nazi era. For the contemporaries, everyday activities in a small room were a matter of course. In a changing world, one's own community, city and region created identity and meaning. What was the relationship between regional identity and other identitary reference systems, what ideas were associated with the design of the regional and what influence did it exert on society and politics? Using the example of Bavarian Swabia, Martina Steber follows the mental construction of the regional and assesses its function and relevance in the very period in which the ambivalence of modernity was so dazzling and horrific at the same time.

Um die Demokratie wird gegenwartig so intensiv gerungen wie seit vielen Jahrzehnten nicht mehr. Die Demokratie hat ihre Selbstverstandlichkeit verloren. Das ist umso bemerkenswerter, als die Geschichte der Bundesrepublik von einem emphatischen Bezug auf die Demokratie gepragt ist, der sich in ihr Selbstverstandnis eingebrannt hat. Seit 1949 wurde die Demokratie als Regierungsform wie als Lebensform verhandelt und in konkrete Praxis umgesetzt. Dabei traten die Defizite und Widerspruchlichkeiten des demokratischen Versprechens von Freiheit und Gleichheit, von Sicherheit und Ordnung ebenso zutage wie ihre emanzipatorischen Potenziale. Die bundesrepublikanische Demokratie erwies sich als so verletzlich wie stabil, so inklusiv wie exklusiv, so dynamisch wie starr. Der Sammelband erprobt neue Perspektiven auf die Demokratiegeschichte der Bundesrepublik jenseits von Erfolgs- oder Misserfolgserzahlungen und legt die Komplexitat des bundesrepublikanischen Demokratiemodells frei.

Vom Kaiserreich bis in die NS-Zeit prägten kleinräumige Lebenswelten das Dasein. Für die Zeitgenossen war das alltägliche Handeln im kleinen Raum selbstverständlich. In einer sich wandelnden Welt stifteten die eigene Gemeinde, Stadt und Region Identität und Sinn. In welchem Verhältnis standen hierbei regionale Identität und andere identitäre Bezugssysteme, welche Ideen verbanden sich mit dem Entwurf des Regionalen und welchen Einfluss übte er auf Gesellschaft und Politik aus? Martina Steber verfolgt am Beispiel des bayerischen Schwaben die mentale Konstruktion des Regionalen und taxiert seine Funktion und Relevanz in eben jenem Zeitraum, in dem sich die Ambivalenz der Moderne so schillernd und grauenvoll zugleich zeigte.