Matteo Millan – författare

This book provides a comparative and transnational examination of the complex and multifaceted experiences of anti-labour mobilisation, from the bitter social conflicts of the pre-war period, through the epochal tremors of war and revolution, and the violent spasms of the 1920s and 1930s.It retraces the formation of an extensive market for corporate policing, privately contracted security and yellow unionism, as well as processes of professionalisation in strikebreaking activities, labour espionage and surveillance. It reconstructs the diverse spectrum of right-wing patriotic leagues and vigilante corps which, in support or in competition with law enforcement agencies, sought to counter the dual dangers of industrial militancy and revolutionary situations. Although considerable research has been done on the rise of socialist parties and trade unions the repressive policies of their opponents have been generally left unexamined. This book fills this gap by reconstructing the methods and strategies used by state authorities and employers to counter outbreaks of labour militancy on a global scale. It adopts a long-term chronology that sheds light on the shocks and strains that marked industrial societies during their turbulent transition into mass politics from the bitter social conflicts of the pre-war period, through the epochal tremors of war and revolution, and the violent spasms of the 1920s and 1930s.Offering a new angle of vision to examine the violent transition to mass politics in industrial societies, this is of great interest to scholars of policing, unionism and striking in the modern era.The Open Access version of this book, available at http://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9780429354243, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.

This book provides a comparative and transnational examination of the complex and multifaceted experiences of anti-labour mobilisation, from the bitter social conflicts of the pre-war period, through the epochal tremors of war and revolution, and the violent spasms of the 1920s and 1930s.It retraces the formation of an extensive market for corporate policing, privately contracted security and yellow unionism, as well as processes of professionalisation in strikebreaking activities, labour espionage and surveillance. It reconstructs the diverse spectrum of right-wing patriotic leagues and vigilante corps which, in support or in competition with law enforcement agencies, sought to counter the dual dangers of industrial militancy and revolutionary situations. Although considerable research has been done on the rise of socialist parties and trade unions the repressive policies of their opponents have been generally left unexamined. This book fills this gap by reconstructing the methods and strategies used by state authorities and employers to counter outbreaks of labour militancy on a global scale. It adopts a long-term chronology that sheds light on the shocks and strains that marked industrial societies during their turbulent transition into mass politics from the bitter social conflicts of the pre-war period, through the epochal tremors of war and revolution, and the violent spasms of the 1920s and 1930s.Offering a new angle of vision to examine the violent transition to mass politics in industrial societies, this is of great interest to scholars of policing, unionism and striking in the modern era.The Open Access version of this book, available at http://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9780429354243, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.

On October 1922 Mussolini became head of the Italian government, a situation that would last for twenty years. That power was obtained was largely due to the widespread violence perpetrated by blackshirts throughout Italy (squadristi). Violence however did not end. Old and new blackshirts played a major role in making Italy a fascist country. Contrary to the claims of many scholars that have depicted blackshirts after the March on Rome only as troublemakers for Mussolini, the book shows that they played a crucial role in establishing a full and totalitarian dictatorship. Squadristi carried out processes of fascistisation, crushed opponents and convinced bystanders and dubious people, consolidating fascist power in many aspects of social, political and even intimate life. By resorting to new archives, a long chronology and a focus on individual perspectives, this book gives voice to the perpetrators of fascist violence and offers new insights into the lives of squadristi throughout the dictatorship, outlining their beliefs, outlooks and expectations. The book shows that post-1922 squadrismo was not a side effect of Fascism's twenty-year history. On the contrary, violence represents one of the essential components of any definition of Italian Fascism.

On October 1922 Mussolini became head of the Italian government, a situation that would last for twenty years. That power was obtained was largely due to the widespread violence perpetrated by blackshirts throughout Italy (squadristi). Violence however did not end. Old and new blackshirts played a major role in making Italy a fascist country. Contrary to the claims of many scholars that have depicted blackshirts after the March on Rome only as troublemakers for Mussolini, the book shows that they played a crucial role in establishing a full and totalitarian dictatorship. Squadristi carried out processes of fascistisation, crushed opponents and convinced bystanders and dubious people, consolidating fascist power in many aspects of social, political and even intimate life. By resorting to new archives, a long chronology and a focus on individual perspectives, this book gives voice to the perpetrators of fascist violence and offers new insights into the lives of squadristi throughout the dictatorship, outlining their beliefs, outlooks and expectations. The book shows that post-1922 squadrismo was not a side effect of Fascism's twenty-year history. On the contrary, violence represents one of the essential components of any definition of Italian Fascism.

This comprehensive collection of chapters provides a nuanced and multifaceted analysis of the global impact of the March on Rome, offering valuable insights into the spread and adaptation of Fascist ideologies in different cultural and political contexts beyond Italy in the 1920s and 1930s.The chapters seek to contextualise the transformation of political cultures in 1920s Europe and provide a better understanding of the reasons for Fascism's success in the interwar world. By exploring these diverse perspectives and experiences, the book sheds light on the complex processes of ideological transfer, adaptation, and resistance that characterised the global reception of Fascism in the wake of the March on Rome. It underscores the importance of considering local contexts, transnational networks, and individual actors in tracing the trajectory of Fascist influence across Western and Eastern Europe, Latin America and the United States.This book will appeal to an academic and scholarly audience at many levels, particularly in undergraduate and postgraduate courses on Italian and European history. Its accessible engagement of the broader issue of fascism and its transnational spread will also be of interest to a general readership interested in the history of Europe during the interwar period.

This comprehensive collection of chapters provides a nuanced and multifaceted analysis of the global impact of the March on Rome, offering valuable insights into the spread and adaptation of Fascist ideologies in different cultural and political contexts beyond Italy in the 1920s and 1930s.The chapters seek to contextualise the transformation of political cultures in 1920s Europe and provide a better understanding of the reasons for Fascism's success in the interwar world. By exploring these diverse perspectives and experiences, the book sheds light on the complex processes of ideological transfer, adaptation, and resistance that characterised the global reception of Fascism in the wake of the March on Rome. It underscores the importance of considering local contexts, transnational networks, and individual actors in tracing the trajectory of Fascist influence across Western and Eastern Europe, Latin America and the United States.This book will appeal to an academic and scholarly audience at many levels, particularly in undergraduate and postgraduate courses on Italian and European history. Its accessible engagement of the broader issue of fascism and its transnational spread will also be of interest to a general readership interested in the history of Europe during the interwar period.

This comprehensive collection of chapters provides a nuanced and multifaceted analysis of the global impact of the March on Rome, offering valuable insights into the spread and adaptation of Fascist ideologies in different cultural and political contexts beyond Italy in the 1920s and 1930s.The chapters seek to contextualise the transformation of political cultures in 1920s Europe and provide a better understanding of the reasons for Fascism's success in the interwar world. By exploring these diverse perspectives and experiences, the book sheds light on the complex processes of ideological transfer, adaptation, and resistance that characterised the global reception of Fascism in the wake of the March on Rome. It underscores the importance of considering local contexts, transnational networks, and individual actors in tracing the trajectory of Fascist influence across Western and Eastern Europe, Latin America and the United States.This book will appeal to an academic and scholarly audience at many levels, particularly in undergraduate and postgraduate courses on Italian and European history. Its accessible engagement of the broader issue of fascism and its transnational spread will also be of interest to a general readership interested in the history of Europe during the interwar period.

Weiten Teilen Europas gelang es nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg nicht, den Zustand einer post-war-society zu überwinden, in der die öffentliche Teilhabe an Politik zuweilen mit einem hohen Maß an innenpolitischer Gewalt einherging. Insbesondere für die sich neu formierende Rechte und die paramilitärischen Verbände spielte militantes Verhalten in der Zwischenkriegszeit eine Schlüsselrolle. Jugendliche im Allgemeinen und Studierende im Besonderen waren oftmals wichtige Multiplikatoren in solchen Bewegungen, da sie diese als Experimentierfelder für gewalttätige Erfahrungen betrachteten, wobei sie ihren Mangel an Kriegserfahrung oft durch zunehmende Militanz und Brutalität gegen innere und äußere Feinde kaschierten.Trotz zum Teil erheblicher nationaler Unterschiede kann die jugendliche Militanz als ein weitgehend transnationales Phänomen paramilitärischer Organisationen nach 1918/19 betrachtet werden, das enormen Einfluss auf das politische Leben mehrerer europäischer – siegreicher wie besiegter – Länder in den 1920er und 1930er Jahren nahm. Eine nicht unbeträchtliche Zahl von Studierenden organisierte sich zwischen 1918/19 und 1939 in paramilitärischen Einwohner- und Bürgerwehren, politischen Kampfverbänden oder konspirativen Gruppierungen, um gegen Feinde im Inneren bzw. an den diversen Landesgrenzen vorzugehen. In den Bünden, Freikorps und Grenzschutzformationen suchte diese Generation der meist nach 1900 Geborenen – die sogenannte Kriegsjugendgeneration – das eigene Kriegserlebnis nachzuholen, welches ihnen durch ihr junges Alter im Ersten Weltkrieg verwehrt worden war.In den hier versammelten Beiträgen untersuchen die Autorinnen und Autoren die regionalen Dimensionen studentischer Gewalträume und -kulturen. Im Vordergrund steht dabei die Frage, wie die regionalen Verhältnisse und Besonderheiten einen Radikalisierungsprozess beschleunigen bzw. bremsen konnten und welche spezifischen Gewaltkulturen sich in den diversen regionalen Gewalträumen entfalteten.AUS DEM INHALTDmitar TasićThe Macedonian Youth Secret Revolutionary Organization (MYSRO) 1922–1927: A New Moment in Macedonian StruggleFlorian J. SchreinerDie "Ausgelesenen". Akademische Netzwerke und die Niederschlagung der Münchener Räterepublik 1919Juliane DeinertStudierende im Ausnahmezustand. Ausschreitungen an der Rostocker Universität vor und während der Machtergreifung der NationalsozialistenIrene BolzonLa lunga durata dello squadrismo di confine. Comunità studentesche, società e pratiche della violenza a Trieste (1900–1945)Simone Duranti"Basta la sola camicia nera". Propaganda e attività politica dei fascisti universitari trentiniFORUMFlaminia BartoliniDealing with contested heritage. Contemporary art and the Fascist monument debateREZENSIONEN / RECENSIONI