Rebecka Lettevall – författare

När Immanuel Kant år 1795 publicerade sin lilla skrift "Om den eviga freden" väckte den stor uppmärksamhet över hela Europa och översattes snart till flera språk. Hur kom det sig att den i samband med tvåhundraårsjubileet 1995 åter var så populär att flera av världens tongivande filosofer diskuterade den och skrev artiklar om den? I "En europeisk kosmopolit" undersöker idéhistorikern Rebecka Lettevall de reaktioner fredsskriften utsattes för, inte bara vid utgivningen och tvåhundraårsjubileet utan även i exempelvis det wilhelminska Tyskland och under andra världskriget.

Whether in science or in international politics, neutrality has sometimes been promoted, not only as a viable political alternative but as a lofty ideal – in politics by nations proclaiming their peacefulness, in science as an underpinning of epistemology, in journalism and other intellectual pursuits as a foundation of a professional ethos. Time and again scientists and other intellectuals have claimed their endeavors to be neutral, elevated above the world of partisan conflict and power politics. This volume studies the resonances between neutrality in science and culture and neutrality in politics. By analyzing the activities of scientists, intellectuals, and politicians (sometimes overlapping categories) of mostly neutral nations in the First World War and after, it traces how an ideology of neutralism was developed that soon was embraced by international organizations. This book explores how the notion of neutrality has been used and how a neutralist discourse developed in history. None of the contributions take claims of neutrality at face value – some even show how they were made to advance partisan interests. The concept was typically clustered with notions, such as peace, internationalism, objectivity, rationality, and civilization. But its meaning was changeable – varying with professional, ideological, or national context. As such, Neutrality in Twentieth-Century Europe presents a different perspective on the century than the story of the great belligerent powers, and one in which science, culture, and politics are inextricably mixed.

Whether in science or in international politics, neutrality has sometimes been promoted, not only as a viable political alternative but as a lofty ideal – in politics by nations proclaiming their peacefulness, in science as an underpinning of epistemology, in journalism and other intellectual pursuits as a foundation of a professional ethos. Time and again scientists and other intellectuals have claimed their endeavors to be neutral, elevated above the world of partisan conflict and power politics. This volume studies the resonances between neutrality in science and culture and neutrality in politics. By analyzing the activities of scientists, intellectuals, and politicians (sometimes overlapping categories) of mostly neutral nations in the First World War and after, it traces how an ideology of neutralism was developed that soon was embraced by international organizations. This book explores how the notion of neutrality has been used and how a neutralist discourse developed in history. None of the contributions take claims of neutrality at face value – some even show how they were made to advance partisan interests. The concept was typically clustered with notions, such as peace, internationalism, objectivity, rationality, and civilization. But its meaning was changeable – varying with professional, ideological, or national context. As such, Neutrality in Twentieth-Century Europe presents a different perspective on the century than the story of the great belligerent powers, and one in which science, culture, and politics are inextricably mixed.

Since the Enlightenment, the definition of terms such as humanity, citizenship and rights has fluctuated and these ideas continue to have relevance for contemporary discussions of globalization from a «cosmopolitan» perspective. This volume goes back to the conception of cosmopolitanism in Greek antiquity in order to trace it through history, resulting in an unmasking of its many myths. The concept is reconstructed with reference not only to well-known (and some lesser known) historical thinkers of cosmopolitanism, but also to noted «anti-cosmopolitans». The first aim of the book is to display historical perspectives on a discourse which has been dominated by ahistorical presumptions. The second is to critically explore alternative paths beyond the Western imagination, redefining the Enlightenment legacy and the centre-periphery dichotomy. Most notably, Eastern Europe and the Arab world are integrated within the analysis of cosmopolitanism. Within a framework of conceptual history (Begriffsgeschichte), cosmopolitan reason is criticized from the viewpoints of comparative literature, psychoanalysis, phenomenology, postcolonialism and moral philosophy.The book’s critical approach is an attempt to come to terms with the anachronism, essentialism, ethnocentrism and anthropocentrism that sometimes underlie contemporary theoretical and methodological uses of the term «cosmopolitanism». By adding historical and contextual depth to the problem of cosmopolitanism, a reflexive corrective is presented to enhance ongoing discussions of this topic within as well as outside academia.

Antologin "Tid för Europa. Gemenskap, minne, hopp" handlar om skilda sätt att föreställa sig och erfara tiden och hur dessa relaterar sig till politiska gemenskaper i Europa. I fokus står en tysk tradition som följs från Kant och upplysningens stora förhoppningarna fram till vår samtid, präglad av minnet av krig och förödelse, men också av apokalyptiska stämningar och ekonomiska kriser. Den tyska, filosofiska traditionen är i högsta grad relevant för det samtida Europa av flera skäl. Dels har den alltsedan Kants "Kritik av det rena förnuftet" ryckt in i den intellektuella diskussionens absoluta centrum och kommit att utöva ett dominerande inflytande, inte bara över det vi förstår som filosofi i snävare bemärkelse, utan även över angränsande akademiska discipliner, inom de offentliga debatterna och i formeringen av politiska rörelser. Tysklands enande kom också att innebära att den nya politiska enheten, det kejserliga Tyskland och sedan Weimartyskland, Tredje riket, och efterkrigstidens två tyska stater, intagit en central ställning i Europas historia och därmed också i den globala historien. Sedan den tyska återföreningen efter Berlinmurens fall har detta knappast förändrats; Tysklands roll i det samtida Europa förblir i många avseenden central. Men även det tyska tänkandet förblir aktuellt och gestalter som Kant, Hegel, Marx, Nietzsche och Heidegger utövar fortfarande en enorm dragningskraft på intellektuella och politiska rörelser över hela världen. "Tid för Europa. Gemenskap, minne, hopp" innehåller bidrag av Jon Wittrock, Rebecka Lettevall, Jayne Svenungsson, Anders Bartonek, Per Månson, Fredrika Spindler, Carl-Göran Heidegren, Marcia Sá Cavalcante Schuback, Hans Ruin och Victoria Fareld.