Cambridge Studies in the History and Theory of Politics – serie
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This book is a complete translation of Marx's critical commentary on paragraphs 261-313 of Hegel's major work in political theory. In this text Marx subjects Hegel's doctrine on the internal constitution of the state to a lengthy analysis. It was Marx's first attempt to expose and criticize Hegel's philosophy in general and his political philosophy in particular. It also represents his early efforts to criticize existing political institutions and to clarify the relations between the political and economic aspects of society. The Critique provides textual evidence in support of the argument that Marx's early writings do not exhibit radically different doctrinal principles and theoretical and practical concerns from his later work. This edition also includes a translation of the introduction Marx wrote for his proposed revised version of the Critique which he never completed. In a substantial introduction, Professor O'Malley provides valuable information on Marx's intellectual development.
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In his book, Mr Cowling describes the relationship between British party politics and the conduct of British foreign policy between Hitler's arrival in office in 1933 and Chamberlain's resignation in May 1940. He sets British policy in the context of European, Imperial, League, national and isolational sentiments and takes account of the strategic and financial limitations within which decisions were made. He shows how far prime ministers, foreign secretaries and the cabinet responded to parliamentary criticism, and argues that, from mid-1936 onwards, foreign policy and the prospects of the party system were so intimately connected that neither can be understood in isolation from the other.
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The passage of the Reform Bill of 1867 is one of the major problems in nineteenth-century British history. Mr Cowling provides a full-scale explanation, based on a wide range of archive material, including four major manuscript collections not previously used. Mr Cowling pays equal attention to the view taken by Parliament of the class structure and to the ambitions and strategies of politicians in Parliament and outside. He sets this detailed historical narrative in an analytical framework, the assumptions of which he discusses at length.
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This study is an exercise in the history of political perception and opinion. It broke new ground in considering the decline of Liberalism through the eyes of Liberals themselves. By concentrating on what Liberal politicians said to one another and to their audience (public and private) a picture is built up of the frame of mind in which those responsible for guiding Liberalism faced a worsening world after 1914. The coming of the First World War was a critical element in forming that frame of mind; and the frame of mind was itself critical in deciding the fate of Liberalism in the post-war years. What emerges from this study is the paradox that the Liberal mind was the greatest single obstacle in the way of a Liberal revival.
Lord Salisbury on Politics
A selection from his articles in the Quarterly Review, 1860-1883
Häftad, Engelska, 2007
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Leader of the Conservative party for seventeen years and prime minister for fourteen, the third Marquis of Salisbury was one of the most successful political practitioners of modern times, as well as a major international statesman. Yet he was also a prolific and pungent writer on politics. The large body of journalism which he produced during the first thirty years of his career enables us to examine in detail the views on politics and society which underlay his practical action. While his brand of Conservatism was conventional in its conclusions, it was distinguished by the highly sceptical and utilitarian mode of reasoning through which it sought to reach them, and by its insistence on a crudely conceived class struggle as the driving force of history and politics. Its central theme was hostility to 'democracy'; and when, after 1867, 'democracy' seemed to have arrived, it questioned how far the system of parliamentary government could work tolerably under the new dispensation.
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Gladstone's second ministry was one of failure and frustration. Even Liberal apologists and the party faithful could find little more than the Reform Act to offset the record of disasters abroad or the disruption of Irishmen at home. For some it was sufficient, and 1884 was a landmark comparable to 1689. But this book is not a chronicle of electoral revolution; rather, it traces the purposes of politicians through those months when legislative activity was concentrated on Franchise and Redistribution. Light is shed on Gladstone's control over both Cabinet and Commons, on Salisbury's emergence as party leader from Conservative chaos after Disraeli's death, and on the anti-democratic nature of Parnell's party. The essential argument is that the British political world of the 1880s was a world unto itself. Dr Jones is concerned with the complex political interaction of personalities and groupings in this select society at a time of particular historical interest, when parties were on the eve of their fracture and realignment over Home Rule.
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During the revolt of the Netherlands, 'rebels' developed for the first time in modern history political philosophies that had a decisive impact on political reality, influenced the actual course of events, led in fact to the creation of a new state. This was a form of theorizing from sheer necessity to the legitimate sovereign. As such it stands at the beginning of a long tradition of civil disobedience. The volume contains sixty-seven fragments of pamphlets, letters, treaties and other documents, translated from the Dutch, Latin and French, that together provide an insight into the motives of the 'rebels' and into discussions about the legality of the Revolt. Through detailed annotation and an editorial introduction, Professor Kossman and Dr Mellink gather together the threads of the complicated story and analyse some of the major theoretical problems discussed by sixteenth-century Netherlands, and sixteenth-century Europe in general and to all those interested in the history and development of political theory.
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When Lloyd George became Prime Minister during the First World War he appointed a private secretariat to help him run the complex machinery of wartime government. This book, drawing extensively on private and public archives, describes the work of that Secretariat during its two years of existence and discusses its contribution to policy-making and to the development of the Prime Minister's office. The 'Garden Suburb', so named from its temporary offices in the garden of 10 Downing Street, has won a poor reputation. Contemporaries described it as a nest of intrigue and imperialist, anti-democratic sentiment which helped to turn Lloyd George from a great Radical into a cynical dictator; and historians have tended to accept their word. This examination reveals a different picture. On the one hand, wartime government was imperfectly co-ordinated, and members of the Secretariat performed a genuine administrative task in helping Lloyd George to supervise it and save it from breakdown, although their small number and limited resources allowed them to cover only a few politically sensitive questions. On the other hand, the Garden Suburb was more eclectic in its ideological and political affiliations than has been allowed. Home Rule, collective security, temperance, state supervision of industry, Christian Science and the revival of agriculture, as well as imperial unity and opposition to socialism, each contributed through the Secretariat to the climate of ideas in which policy was made.
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Ever since the discovery of Marx's Early Writings, most of the literature concerned with Marx's intellectual development has centred around the so-called gap between the 'young' Marx, who was considered to be a humanist thinker, and the 'older' Marx, who was held to be a determinist with little concern for anything outside his narrow theory of historical materialism. Dr Avineri claims that such a gap between the 'young' and 'older' Marx did not exist. He supports his claim by a detailed study of the whole corpus of Marx's writing on social and political thought.
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This study in English of Hegel's political philosophy presents an overall view of the development of Hegel's political thinking. The author has drawn on Hegel's philosophical works, his political tracts and his personal correspondence. Professor Avineri shows that although Hegel is primarily thought of as a philosopher of the state, he was much concerned with social problems and his concept of the state must be understood in this context.
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This text is important both as one of the most interesting contributions to the liberalism of the German Enlightenment, and as the most significant source for the ideas which John Stuart Mill popularized in his essay On Liberty. Humboldt's concern is to define the criteria by which the permissible limits of the state's activities may be determined. His basic principle, like that of Mill, is that the only justification for government interference is the prevention of harm to others. He discusses in detail the role and limits of the state's responsibility for the welfare, security and morals of its citizens. Humboldt's special achievement in this work is to enlarge our sense of what a liberal political theory might be by his particularly sensitive grasp of the complexity of our attitudes to and our need of other people. Dr Burrow has based his translation on Coulthard's version of 1854. In an important introduction, he provides a most perceptive as well as scholarly guide to Humboldt's political thought.
Political Philosophy and Rhetoric
A Study of the Origins of American Party Politics
Häftad, Engelska, 2009
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This book analyses the origins of modern party politics in America. Dr Zvesper argues that the partisan conflict between Federalists and Republicans in the 1790s was not merely an interesting historical sequel to the American Revolution and the framing of the Constitution, but was a confrontation of two of the fundamental alternatives of modern political philosophy. Consideration of this fact, along with evidence of the class structure of American society, is then used to explain why the Republican party was the natural superior in the dispute with Federalism, and why Republican philosophy and rhetoric have been so essential to American politics ever since.
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De Republica Anglorum was written by Sir Thomas Smith in 1562-5 when he was Queen Elizabeth's ambassador to France. His avowed intention was to describe English social institutions, judicial system and governmental procedures for the benefit of foreigners, explaining in what way the English system 'differs from the others'. A renowned scholar, with considerable experience in government, he succeeded in producing an account which has always been considered a major source of information and insight into Elizabethan England. This edition endeavours to establish the original text as written in the 1560s. The discovery of several manuscript texts written before the 1583 printed edition and their collation with the 1583 edition allow us to see the nature and extent of the alterations made. For the first time one can read De Republica Anglorum without the heavy amending hand of the 1583 editor and approach the text as Smith wrote it in the 1560s. The new text throws light on the old problem of plagiarism in certain chapters of the work and on the question of changing procedures in Elizabethan government.
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The plight of Catholics in Elizabethan England has long attracted the interest of historians and it has long been appreciated that the key to understanding their position lies partly in the voluminous polemical literature which they published. Nearly three hundred tracts were printed in English and Latin and more circulated in manuscript. The purpose of this book is to use such material as a source for understanding the political ideas of this religious minority in the age of the Wars of Religion. Dr Holmes concentrates on the two principal dilemmas which faced Catholics: whether they should remain loyal to the Queen or might resist her government and how far, if loyal, they might accommodate themselves to the religious laws she imposed on all Englishmen. He sees the Catholic response to both these problems as being in essence an interplay between the desire to resist and the need to find compromise or some means of peaceful accommodation with the political and religious status quo.
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Scholars have known for some years that in 1760 Hume write a humorous satire against William Pitt the Elder. Mr Raynor argues that this hitherto unlocated work is Sister Peg, an anonymous publication which has been traditionally ascribed to Adam Ferguson. This witty and occasionally malicious Scriblerian piece was composed as a sequel to Dr John Arbuthnot's famous History of John Bull (1712). Hume's satirical allegory recounts the relations between England (John Bull of Bull-hall) and Scotland (Sister Peg of Thistledown) from earliest times until April 1760 when a bill to extend the militia to Scotland was defeated in parliament due to the opposition of the Duke of Newcastle, Hardwicke, and King George II. The first part of the satire places this debate in historical perspective. The final chapters are an imaginary reconstruction of the militia debate in parliament. Apart from the satire's intrinsic interest and biographical significance, it is an important document for the interpretation of Hume's political theory.
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The St Bartholomew's Day Massacre of 1572 polarised French constitutional ideas. Appearing on one side was a radicalised version of the French constitution. On the other side was the theory of royal absolutism systematically developed by Bodin. The central thesis of this book is that Bodin's absolutism was as unprecedented as the doctrine it opposed. Prior to the 1570s the mainstream of the French tradition had been tentatively constitutionalist and Bodin himself had given strong expression to that tendency in his Methodus of 1566. His earlier theory of sovereignty, elaborated in that work, was implicitly adapted to a notion of limited supremacy. Professor Franklin's aim is to explain how this absolutist view was formed. In doing so, he has clarified many of the notorious obscurities in Bodin's thought and since much of the absolutist doctrine of the seventeenth century was either based on Bodin's theory or relied on similar assumptions, this study will be of great importance and interest to scholars of a later period.
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This book is about the grounds of ethical life, or the nature and basis of our ethical obligations. It contains an original account of these grounds and shows how this understanding requires specific forms of social and political life. Charvet considers the ideas of the freedom and equality of men in the many forms they have taken and shows that there is a radical incoherence underlying them which consists in the failure to integrate in a coherent way the particular and the moral or communal dimensions of individual life. These two dimensions are separated and opposed to each other. In the final section of the book Charvet develops an original account of the grounds of ethical life which satisfactorily integrates these particular and communal elements of individuality. It is designed to show how the moral claims of individuals are grounded in their associated wills in a community and yet how such a conception preserves the separate individuality of the community's members.
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In this work, which has survived only in manuscript form and in Italian, Gardiner analyses the great dynastic changes in England's past in order to provide Phillip II with a guide to ruling England and establishing a Catholic dynasty. He adapts historical example to practical political purposes with great subtlety, quoting at length (but without saying so) from Machiavelli to show that a new prince can rule England - if he eliminates those of royal blood and respects the laws and customs of his new possessions. This edition is a carefully edited text of the Italian and Professor Donaldson has provided an English translation and an introduction setting the treatise in its immediate historical context. Gardiner's work is perhaps the clearest example of an attempt to relate Machiavelli's political theories to practical political problems. Its publication will interest historians and students of politics as well as those with an interest in the influence of Machiavellianism as an important strand in European intellectual history.
Vladimir Akimov on the Dilemmas of Russian Marxism 1895-1903
The Second Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party. A Short History of the Social Democratic Movement in Russia
Häftad, Engelska, 2009
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Vladimir Akimov was the leading spokesman for the 'Economists' in Russia in the early twentieth century. This group of Marxists rebelled in 1898 against Plekkanov, causing within the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party a schism which preceded the major split between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks in 1903. The two major works of Akimov included in this edition have not been republished since 1969. The first is an analysis of the Party Programme inspired by Plekkanov and Lenin as editors of Iskra. The second is a history of the Russian Marxist movement from the early 1890s to Akimov's day. This was the first history of the movement ever published. Dr Frankel has annotated the texts and provided an important introduction, tracing in general terms the development of Russian Marxism up to 1898 and describing in greater detail the forces which caused the dispute between Plakkanov and Lenin and the 'Economists'.
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This is a critical study of the political and social ideas of Jean Jacques Rousseau. Charvet analyses Rousseau's arguments in his three main works, The Discourse on the Origins of Inequality, Emile, and The Social Contract. The aim is to show how Rousseau's ideas are interrelated and how their development is governed by presuppositions which entail their ultimate incoherence. he shows that the consequences is a corrupt and destructive view of human society and human relations. These presuppositions are implicit in terms of which social relations are to be rethought. What is good about nature is that in it each individual can pursue his own good innocently without regard to others. It is the attempt to translate this natural egoism into social terms that, Charvet argues, produces the incoherent and destructive view of human society. This importance of the book lies in the originality and the implications of Charvet's critical analysis of this attempted translation, and thus of Rousseau's social philosophy in general.
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August Cieszkowski (1814-1894) was a philosopher, economist, social reformer and political activist. As early as 1838 he formulated a daring critique of Hegel, which culminated in the notion of praxis and marked the beginning of the radicalization of the Hegelian school. Throughout the 1840s he participated in the social movement in France with a variety of highly original economic and social schemes. After 1848 he played a key role in Polish politics and elaborated a future-oriented and messianic vision of history that sought to integrate Hegel and Christianity. The publication of this volume in 1979 formed part of a revival of interest in Cieszkowski, which centred about his influence on Marx as well as his impact on Herzen, Hess and Proudhon. It also focused on Cieszkowski's position within the broad current of nineteenth-century Polish and European messianism as well as on the originality of his peculiarly non-revolutionary system.
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The texts collected in this volume, which was originally published in 1969, contain Herder's most original and stimulating ideas on politics, history and language. They had for the most part not been previously available in English. In his introduction, Professor Barnard analyses the basic premises of Herder's political thought against the background of the Enlightenment. He examines Herder's concepts of language, community and culture, his theory of historical interaction, and his approach to the problem of change and progress. Finally, he provides a brief comparative analysis of traditionalist thought following the French Revolution, showing how substantive writers like Burke differed from Herder despite the close similarity of political vocabulary.
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In Idealism, Politics and History, Mr Kelly provides a wide-ranging but careful scholarly analysis of the meeting of two vital themes in the French Revolutionary period: intellectual and moral perceptions of history, and the patterns of political systems. He argues that a close exploration of the former is critical to our understanding of political philosophy at the end of the Age of Reason. The author traces his central preoccupations in a series of linked studies of Rousseau, Kant, Fichte and Hegel. Each essay is in its own right an important contribution to the history of political ideas. Cumulatively, they furnish a context of thought in which Hegel's system of thought can be clarified and reinterpreted. Mr Kelly thus succeeds not only in conveying an appreciation of the connection between philosophy and politics in Hegel, but in tracing the stages of an entire school of interpretation.
Freedom and Independence
A Study of the Political Ideas of Hegel's Phenomenology of Mind
Häftad, Engelska, 2010
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Originally published in 1976, this book was written specifically to guide students of political theory who want to understand Hegel's political ideas as they appear in The Phenomenology of Mind. Professor Shklar's commentary uses plain language and English translations of references wherever possible. The core of Hegel's argument is that freedom is the identity of the personal goals of individual citizens and the public ends of the polity as a whole. This is a dynamic process, in which all laws are created by each and all, and in turn expressed and realised in the minds and actions of every member of society. The text emphasises Hegel's criticism of every type of subjectivity. The failure to recognise the cultural character of all experience is the core of Hegel's critical review of all past philosophy, and led him to develop his own theory of history and of knowledge as retrospective thinking.
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This 1976 book is concerned with the emergence, in the latter half of the eighteenth century, of a new theory of socio-economic development, based on the idea that the key factor in the developmental process was the way in which men made their living. Professor Meek traces the prehistory of the four stages theory, from its emergence with French and Scottish Enlightenment thinkers to its modification by critics and revisionists. He argues the theory was shaped by literature about savage societies, especially American Indian. It is well known that contemporary notions of savagery influenced eighteenth-century social science by generating a critique of society through the idea of the noble savage. It is not so well known, however, that they also stimulated the emergence of a new theory of the development of society through the idea of the ignoble savage. This is Professor Meek's main theme.
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For at least two centuries after its first appearance in 1573 Hotman's Francogallia influenced the way in which men regarded the European past and appraised the validity of political institutions. The intricate collation of the variorum Latin readings by Professor Giesey here demonstrates that nearly half the complete work consists of material added by Hotman to later editions in such a manner as substantially to modify the argument and balance of the original Francogallia. This definitive Latin edition contains a facing English translation by Professor Salmon, and a joint introduction in which the editors discuss the genesis and development of the text, which can no longer be regarded as written in response to the massacre of St Bartholomew. The editors analyse the discordant elements in Hotman's thought as his Calvinist background, his fundamentalism in both constitutional and religious doctrine and his ambivalent attitude to his profession as an eminent jurist.
Turgot on Progress, Sociology and Economics
A Philosophical Review of the Successive Advances of the Human Mind on Universal History Reflections on the Formation and the Distribution of Wealth
Häftad, Engelska, 2010
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A. R. J. Turgot (1727-81), one of the greatest thinkers of the century of the Enlightenment, is known to political historians as a pioneer of the doctrine of universal progress, which he first put forward when a student at the Sorbonne in a lecture on The Successive Advances of the Human Mind. He is also well known to economists as the author of Reflections on the Formation and the Distribution of Wealth, in which he anticipated - and in some respects surpassed - the theoretical system of classical political economy. In this volume, translations of these two works are printed together with a lesser-known work entitled On Universal History, which should be of great interest to sociologists. Professor Meek has prefaced his own translations of the three texts with an introduction in which he analyses the interesting interrelationship between Turgot's political, economic and sociological theories.
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R. J. White's edition, which was originally published in 1967, made Fitzjames Stephen's classic available for the first time since 1914. The editor made use of the 1874 second edition which included Stephen's notes in reply to his original critics. Stephen's work is written as a systematic denunciation of John Stuart Mill's political thought. It is thus of great importance in the history of Utilitarianism, and also as the most forthright and systematic of the Victorian attacks on democracy. Stephen's work is also important for its repudiation of the progressive attitudes to religion and morality characteristic of the Comptist philosophy which had attracted Mill. Stephen's aim was to show that 'no room is left for the order of ideas hinted at by the phrase 'Liberty, Equality, Fraternity''. He argues his case with legal precision and considerable rhetorical powers.
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An English translation of Hegel's introduction to his lectures on the philosophy of history, based directly on the standard German edition by Johannes Hoffmeister, first published in 1955. The previous English translation, by J. Sibree, first appeared in 1857 and was based on the defective German edition of Karl Hegel, to which Hoffmeister's edition added a large amount of new material previously unknown to English readers, derived from earlier editors. In the introduction to his lectures, Hegel lays down the principles and aims which underlie his philosophy of history, and provides an outline of the philosophy of history itself. The comprehensive and voluminous survey of world history which followed the introduction in the original lectures is of less interest to students of Hegel's thought than the introduction, and is therefore not included in this volume.
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In Religion and Public Doctrine in Modern England, Maurice Cowling defines the principles according to which the intellectual history of modern England should be written and argue that the history of Christianity is of primary importance. In this volume, which is self-contained, he makes a further contribution to understanding the role which Christianity has played in modern English thought. There are critical accounts of the thought of Toynbee, T. S. Eliot, Collingwood, Butterfield, Oakeshott, David Knowles, Evelyn Waugh and Churchill. It also contains less extended accounts of the thought of A. N. Whitehead, of Enoch Powell Minister. The book is given coherence by the connected ideas of the ubiquity of religion, of literature as an instrument of religious indoctrination, and of the intimacy of the connections between the political, philosophical, literary and religious assumptions that are to be found among the leaders of the English intelligentsia.