Cass Series on Peacekeeping – serie

This book critically examines peacebuilding, humanitarian intervention and peace operation practices and experiences in francophone spaces.Francophone Africa as a specific space is relatively little studied in the peace and security literature, despite the fact that almost half of all peacekeepers are deployed or were deployed in this part of Africa during the last decade. It is an arena for intervention that deserves more serious attention, if only because it provides fertile ground for exploring the key questions raised in the peacekeeping and peacebuilding literature. For instance, in 2002 a French operation (Licorne) was launched and in 2003 a UN force was deployed in Côte d’Ivoire alongside the French force there.Filling a gap in the current literature, Peace Operations in the Francophone World critically examines peacekeeping and peacebuilding practices in the francophone world, including but not limited to conflict prevention and resolution, security sector reform (SSR), francophone politics, and North–South relations. The book explores whether peace and security operations in francophone spaces have exceptional characteristics when compared with those carried out in other parts of the world and assesses whether an analysis of these operations in the francophone world can make a specific and original contribution to wider international debates about peacekeeping and peacebuilding.This book will be of much interest to students of peacekeeping, peacebuilding, peace and conflict studies, African politics, security studies, and IR in general.

This book assesses the UN Peace Operations in Haiti and establishes what lessons should be taken into account for future operations elsewhere.Specifically, the book examines the UN’s approaches to security and stability, demobilisation, disarmament and reintegration (DDR), police, justice and prison reform, democratisation, and transitional justice and their interdependencies through the seven UN missions in Haiti. Drawing on extensive fieldwork and interviews conducted in Haiti, it identifies strengths and weaknesses of these approaches and focuses on the connections between these different sectors. It places these efforts in the broader Haitian political context, emphasises economic development as a central factor to sustainability, provides a civil society perspective, and discusses the many constraints the UN faced in implementing its mandates. The book also serves as a historical account of UN involvement in Haiti, which comes at a time when the drawdown of the mission has begun. In an environment where the UN is increasingly seeking to conduct security sector reform (SSR) within the context of integrated missions, this book will be a valuable contribution to the debate on intervention, UN peace operations and SSR. This book will be of interest to students of peace operations and peacekeeping, conflict studies, security studies and IR in general.

Ten years on from the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement in November 1995, the legacy of the Bosnian war still shapes every aspect of the political, social and economic environment of the tiny state. This state of affairs is highlighted by the fact that Bosnia is still under international control, with the Office of the International High Representative regularly using its powers to dismiss elected presidents, prime-ministers and MPs and to impose legislation over the resistance of elected legislatures at national, regional and local level. What has changed in the ten years since Dayton? Is international regulation helping to establish a sustainable peace in Bosnia? What lessons can be learned for nation-building in Bosnia?This volume was previously published as a special issue of the leading journal International Peacekeeping.

This new book addresses the key question of how NATO and three of its member states are configuring their policies and military doctrines in order to handle the new strategic environment. This environment is increasingly dominated by 'new wars', more precisely civil wars within states, and peacekeeping as the strategy devised by outside actors for dealing with them. The book seeks to explain how this new strategic environment has been interpreted and how the new conflicts and peacekeeping have been fitted into 'defence' and 'war' - key concepts in the field of security studies.

A new investigation of the role of the modern soldier/diplomat and the nature of military negotiation, in comparison with negotiation in other key contexts. This new book presents a detailed analysis of the role of the military in current operations as negotiators and liaison workers in the field. It shows how very few in the academic world are writing on this specific role of the military and the nature of negotiation in this situation, and such a volatile context. This publication is a first in this context, and has a keen audience in light of the current world order. This study breaks new ground in analyzing the nature of military negotiation in relation to more generic forms of negotiation, and assessing the role of the modern soldier/diplomat in recent deployments around the world. The author is an academic working within the military environment, very few people have the same capacity and accessibility to firsthand evidence and observation. Whilst peacekeeping has grown in the last decade or so, no-one has successfully investigated the role of the military and their approach to non-violent conflict resolution on the ground as few have access to such work to make a viable detailed assessment of the nature of negotiation in a violent context, but Dr Goodwin is able to do so.

The main theme of the book is that the new types of sanctions constitute a challenge to the international system. First, there are more of the targeted sanctions, including financial, travel, aviation, special commodity and arms sanctions. Furthermore, there are considerable but varied practices in implementation. Also there are now sanctions by new actors (regional bodies, international organizations). These all put new strains on international bodies in carrying out sanctions or getting member states to work together in these efforts. These challenges are analyzed in this volume, with some examples, but mostly from a generalist perspective. A completely novel aspect is that this volume also includes studies of the difficulties that are met by targeting actors, their way of managing the situations, and most interesting, the human rights of such actors.

The main theme of the book is that the new types of sanctions constitute a challenge to the international system. First, there are more of the targeted sanctions, including financial, travel, aviation, special commodity and arms sanctions. Furthermore, there are considerable but varied practices in implementation. Also there are now sanctions by new actors (regional bodies, international organizations). These all put new strains on international bodies in carrying out sanctions or getting member states to work together in these efforts. These challenges are analyzed in this volume, with some examples, but mostly from a generalist perspective. A completely novel aspect is that this volume also includes studies of the difficulties that are met by targeting actors, their way of managing the situations, and most interesting, the human rights of such actors.

This is an investigation of the role of the modern soldier/diplomat and the nature of military negotiation, in comparison with negotiation in other contexts. It is a detailed analysis of the role of the military in current operations as negotiators and liaison workers in the field.Very few in the academic world are writing on this specific role of the military and the nature of negotiation in this situation, and such a volatile context. This publication is a first in this context, and has a keen audience in light of the current world order. The book is breaking new ground in analysing the nature of military negotiation in relation to more generic forms of negotiation, and assessing the role of the modern soldier/diplomat in recent deployments around the world. The author is an academic working within the military environment, very few people have the same capacity and accessibility to firsthand evidence and observation. Whilst peacekeeping has grown in the last decade or so, no-one has successfully investigated the role of the military and their approach to non-violent conflict resolution on the ground as few have access to such work to make a viable detailed assessment of the nature of negotiation in a violent context, but Dr Goodwin is able to do so.

A new examination of Nordic approaches to peace operations after the Cold War. It shows how the Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden) remain relevant for the study and practice of post-Cold War peace operations.This unique study is structured around eleven success conditions derived from an analysis of the lessons learned since the early 1990s, ensuring that the results of the case studies are directly comparable. These case studies are supplemented by an analysis of Nordics’ collective efforts to replace their old Cold War peacekeeping model with a new one that meets the requirements of the new era. The overall conclusion is that the Nordics have succeeded in meeting the post-Cold War requirements for success, both individually and collectively, and that a new effective model is in the making. This book makes several important contributions to the literature on peace operations. First, it demolishes the widely held view that the Nordic countries remain a bastion of traditional Cold War peacekeeping with little relevance for contemporary operations. Second, it constitutes the first systematic overview of the reforms undertaken by the four Nordic countries since the end of the Cold War. Third, it fills a "historical" gap by providing a comprehensive analysis of the celebrated old Nordic Cold War model, explaining how and why it developed and how it functioned. Finally, the analytical framework is a general tool which can be used to evaluate the approaches to peace operations employed by countries around the world. This book will be of great interest to all students of peacekeeping, peace studies, security studies and IR in general.

This book examines what makes accountability for previous violations more or less possible for transitional regimes to achieve. It closely examines the other vital goals of such regimes against which accountability is often balanced. The options available are not simply prosecution or pardon, as the most heated polemics of the debate over transitional justice suggest, but a range of options from complete amnesty through truth commissions and lustration or purification to prosecutions. The question, then, is not whether or not accountability can be achieved, but what degree of accountability can be achieved by a given country.The focus of the book is on the politics of transition: what makes accountability more or less feasible and what strategies are deployed by regimes to achieve greater accountability (or alternatively, greater reform). The result is a more nuanced understanding of the different conditions and possibilities that countries face, and the lesson that there is no one-size-fits-all prescription that can be handed to transitional regimes.

This new book addresses the key question of how NATO and three of its member states are configuring their policies and military doctrines in order to handle the new strategic environment. This environment is increasingly dominated by 'new wars', more precisely civil wars within states, and peacekeeping as the strategy devised by outside actors for dealing with them. The book seeks to explain how this new strategic environment has been interpreted and how the new conflicts and peacekeeping have been fitted into 'defence' and 'war' - key concepts in the field of security studies.

This book explores the possible consequences of the events of 11 September 2001, and of the 'fight against terrorism', the way peace operations are perceived and conducted, and the way that states, international organizations such as NATO or the EU and non-state actors, consider these operations.The 11 September attacks illustrate the widening of the security agenda, the persistence of instability and the need to deal with it in both a preventive and a curative way. The events have had a major impact on US foreign and defence policies, on security policies, on the hierarchy of priorities, and US views of peace operations around the world.This book shows that these different elements mean that the 'international' environment of peace operations is likely to be modified, while the 'local' environment has remained largely unchanged.

This volume re-examines the evidence surrounding the rise and fall of peacekeeping policy during the first Clinton Administration. Specifically, it asks: what happened to cause the Clinton Executive to abandon its previously favoured policy platform of humanitarian multilateralism? Clinton, Peacekeeping and Humanitarian Interventionism aims to satisfy a large gap in our understanding of events surrounding 1990s peacekeeping policy, humanitarian intervention and the Rwandan genocide, as well as shedding some light on US policy on Africa, and the issues surrounding the current peacekeeping debate.Leonie Murray takes an unorthodox stance with regard to the role of public opinion on peacekeeping policy, and delves deeper into the roles that the legislature, the military, and in particular, the executive had to play in the development of US peacekeeping policy in the 1990s. The conclusions reached concerning the role of the United States and the International Community in the face of the Rwandan Genocide are of particular note in their departure from the accepted wisdom on the subject.This book will be of interest to students of peacekeeping, international relations, US foreign policy and humanitarian intervention.

Based on a wealth of sources, files and interviews, and including previously unpublished material, this book explores the foundations of the political ethics of Dag Hammarskjöld, the second Secretary-General of the United Nations, examining how they influenced his actions in several key crisis situations. Hammarskjöld’s political innovations, such as the creation of peacekeeping forces, the use of private diplomacy and the concept of the international civil service, were bold attempts at translating the aims and principles of the UN charter into concrete thought and action. Kofi Annan described Hammarskjöld’s approach as a useful guideline to dealing with the problems of a globalized world. Offering a topical perspective on a subject that has not recently been explored, this book analyzes Hammarskjöld’s successes and failures in a way which offers insights into contemporary problems, and in doing so provides a significant and original contribution to UN studies. Political Ethics and The United Nations will be of interest to students of the United Nations, peace studies, and international relations in general.

A major contribution to the debate about the reconstruction of Kosovo, and to the general discussion surrounding the revived 'trusteeship institution' model in the context of the UN internationalism of the 1990s and the War on Terror following 9/11.Bringing together leading international scholars, this book presents the latest empirical research alongside detailed theoretical analysis. Examining the key questions local parties and the international community have encountered in Kosovo, including how to develop effective and inclusive local government, how to counter crime and the dysfunctional aspects of liberal economic reform, how to unite the partly opposed goals of reconstructing the province while avoiding renewed ethnic and international strife, and how to handle the specific challenge of Kosovo’s future status. The contributors also re-examine the background factors that continue to influence and hamper the attempt to administrate and reconstruct the province, first of all the nationalist ideologies and the record of ethnic violence. This book will be of great interest to all students of Balkan politics, peacekeeping, international relations and security studies in general.

Ten years on from the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement in November 1995, the legacy of the Bosnian war still shapes every aspect of the political, social and economic environment of the tiny state. This state of affairs is highlighted by the fact that Bosnia is still under international control, with the Office of the International High Representative regularly using its powers to dismiss elected presidents, prime-ministers and MPs and to impose legislation over the resistance of elected legislatures at national, regional and local level. What has changed in the ten years since Dayton? Is international regulation helping to establish a sustainable peace in Bosnia? What lessons can be learned for nation-building in Bosnia?This volume was previously published as a special issue of the leading journal International Peacekeeping.

This book assesses the UN Peace Operations in Haiti and establishes what lessons should be taken into account for future operations elsewhere.Specifically, the book examines the UN’s approaches to security and stability, demobilisation, disarmament and reintegration (DDR), police, justice and prison reform, democratisation, and transitional justice and their interdependencies through the seven UN missions in Haiti. Drawing on extensive fieldwork and interviews conducted in Haiti, it identifies strengths and weaknesses of these approaches and focuses on the connections between these different sectors. It places these efforts in the broader Haitian political context, emphasises economic development as a central factor to sustainability, provides a civil society perspective, and discusses the many constraints the UN faced in implementing its mandates. The book also serves as a historical account of UN involvement in Haiti, which comes at a time when the drawdown of the mission has begun. In an environment where the UN is increasingly seeking to conduct security sector reform (SSR) within the context of integrated missions, this book will be a valuable contribution to the debate on intervention, UN peace operations and SSR. This book will be of interest to students of peace operations and peacekeeping, conflict studies, security studies and IR in general.

A new examination of Nordic approaches to peace operations after the Cold War. It shows how the Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden) remain relevant for the study and practice of post-Cold War peace operations.This unique study is structured around eleven success conditions derived from an analysis of the lessons learned since the early 1990s, ensuring that the results of the case studies are directly comparable. These case studies are supplemented by an analysis of Nordics’ collective efforts to replace their old Cold War peacekeeping model with a new one that meets the requirements of the new era. The overall conclusion is that the Nordics have succeeded in meeting the post-Cold War requirements for success, both individually and collectively, and that a new effective model is in the making. This book makes several important contributions to the literature on peace operations. First, it demolishes the widely held view that the Nordic countries remain a bastion of traditional Cold War peacekeeping with little relevance for contemporary operations. Second, it constitutes the first systematic overview of the reforms undertaken by the four Nordic countries since the end of the Cold War. Third, it fills a "historical" gap by providing a comprehensive analysis of the celebrated old Nordic Cold War model, explaining how and why it developed and how it functioned. Finally, the analytical framework is a general tool which can be used to evaluate the approaches to peace operations employed by countries around the world. This book will be of great interest to all students of peacekeeping, peace studies, security studies and IR in general.

This volume re-examines the evidence surrounding the rise and fall of peacekeeping policy during the first Clinton Administration. Specifically, it asks: what happened to cause the Clinton Executive to abandon its previously favoured policy platform of humanitarian multilateralism? Clinton, Peacekeeping and Humanitarian Interventionism aims to satisfy a large gap in our understanding of events surrounding 1990s peacekeeping policy, humanitarian intervention and the Rwandan genocide, as well as shedding some light on US policy on Africa, and the issues surrounding the current peacekeeping debate.Leonie Murray takes an unorthodox stance with regard to the role of public opinion on peacekeeping policy, and delves deeper into the roles that the legislature, the military, and in particular, the executive had to play in the development of US peacekeeping policy in the 1990s. The conclusions reached concerning the role of the United States and the International Community in the face of the Rwandan Genocide are of particular note in their departure from the accepted wisdom on the subject.This book will be of interest to students of peacekeeping, international relations, US foreign policy and humanitarian intervention.

The book provides an updated account of justice reform in Afghanistan, which started in the wake of the US-led military intervention of 2001. In particular, it focuses on the role of international actors and their interaction with local stakeholders, highlighting some provisional results, together with problems and dilemmas encountered in the reform activities.Since the mid-1990s, justice system reform has become increasingly important in state-building operations, particularly with regard to the international administrations of Bosnia, Kosovo, East Slavonia and East Timor. Statebuilding and Justice Reform examines in depth the reform of justice in Afghanistan, evaluating whether the success of reform may be linked to any specific feature or approach. In doing so, it stresses the need for development programmes in the field of justice to be implemented through a multilateral approach, involving domestic authorities and other relevant stakeholders. Success is therefore linked to limiting the political interests of donors; establishing functioning pooled financing mechanisms; restricting the use of bilateral projects; improving the efficacy of technical and financial aid; and concentrating the attention on the ‘demand for justice’ at local level rather than on the traditional supply of financial and technical assistance.This book will be of much interest to students of Afghanistan, intervention and statebuilding, peacekeeping, and post-conflict reconstruction, as well as International Relations in general.Matteo Tondini is a researcher and a legal advisor. He has served as a project advisor to the Embassy of Italy in Kabul, Development Cooperation Unit, working within the ‘Afghanistan Justice Program’ and has a Phd in Political Systems and Institutional Change, from the Institute of Advanced Studies, Lucca, Italy.

Based on a wealth of sources, files and interviews, and including previously unpublished material, this book explores the foundations of the political ethics of Dag Hammarskjöld, the second Secretary-General of the United Nations, examining how they influenced his actions in several key crisis situations. Hammarskjöld’s political innovations, such as the creation of peacekeeping forces, the use of private diplomacy and the concept of the international civil service, were bold attempts at translating the aims and principles of the UN charter into concrete thought and action. Kofi Annan described Hammarskjöld’s approach as a useful guideline to dealing with the problems of a globalized world. Offering a topical perspective on a subject that has not recently been explored, this book analyzes Hammarskjöld’s successes and failures in a way which offers insights into contemporary problems, and in doing so provides a significant and original contribution to UN studies. Political Ethics and The United Nations will be of interest to students of the United Nations, peace studies, and international relations in general.

This book presents a critical analysis of the liberal peace project and offers possible alternatives and models.In the past decade, the model used for reconstructing societies after conflicts has been based on liberal assumptions about the pacifiying effects of 'open markets' and 'open societies'. Yet, despite the vast resources invested in helping establish the precepts of this liberal peace, outcomes have left much to be desired. The book argues that failures in the liberal peace project are not only due to efficiency problems related to its adaptation in adverse local environments, but mostly due to problems of legitimacy of turning an ideal into a doctrine for action. The aim of the book is to scrutinize assumptions about the value of democratization and marketization and realities on the ground by combining theoretical discussions with empirical evidence from key post-conflict settings such as Iraq and Afghanistan. These show the disparities that exist between the ideals and the reality of the liberal peace project, as seen by external peacebuilders and domestic actors. The book then proposes various alternatives and modifications to better accommodate local perspectives, values and agency in attempts to forge a new consensus. This book will be of great interest to students of peacebuilding/peacekeeping, statebuilding, war and conflict studies, international security and IR.

Peace operations are increasingly on the front line in the international community’s fight against organized crime; this book explores how, in some cases, peace operations and organized crime are clear enemies, while in others, they may become tacit allies.The threat posed by organized crime to international and human security has become a matter of considerable strategic concern for national and international decision-makers, so it is somewhat surprising how little thought has been devoted to addressing the complex relationship between organized crime and peace operations. This volume addresses this gap, questioning the emerging orthodoxy that portrays organized crime as an external threat to the liberal peace championed by western and allied states and delivered through peace operations. Based upon a series of case studies it concludes that organized crime is both a potential enemy and a potential ally of peace operations, and it argues for the need to distinguish between strategies to contain organized crime and strategies to transform the political economies in which it flourishes. The editors argue for the development of intelligent, transnational, and transitional law enforcement that can make the most of organized crime as a potential ally for transforming political economies, while at the same time containing the threat it presents as an enemy to building effective and responsible states.The book will be of great interest to students of peacebuilding, peace and conflict studies, organised crime, Security Studies and IR in general.

This edited volume explores and evaluates the roles of corruption in post-conflict peacebuilding.The problem of corruption has become increasingly important in war to peace transitions, eroding confidence in new democratic institutions, undermining economic development, diverting scarce public resources, and reducing the delivery of vital social services. Conflict-affected countries offer an ideal environment for pervasive corruption. Their weak administrative institutions and fragile legal and judicial systems mean that they lack the capacity to effectively investigate and punish corrupt behaviour. In addition, the sudden inflow of donor aid into post-conflict countries and the desire of peacebuilding actors (including the UN, the international financial institutions, aid agencies, and non-governmental organisations) to disburse these funds quickly, create incentives and opportunities for corruption.While corruption imposes costs and compromises on peacebuilding efforts, opportunities for exploiting public office can also be used to entice armed groups into signing peace agreements, thus stabilising post-war environments. This book explores the different functions of corruption both conceptually and through the lens of a wide range of case studies. It also examines the impact of key anti-corruption policies on peacebuilding environments. The dynamics that shape the relationship between corruption and the political and economic developments in post-conflict countries are complex. This analysis highlights that fighting corruption is only one of several important peacebuilding objectives, and that due consideration must be given to the specific social and political context in considering how a sustainable peace can be achieved. This book will be of great interest to students of peacekeeping and peacebuilding, criminology, political economy, war and conflict studies, international security and IR.

This volume is the first English-language work to focus specifically on South America in the context of peace operations.The region of South America has been undergoing significant changes recently with regard to its attitudes towards participation in peace operations. Leaving behind a strong reluctance with regard to intervention, the states have recently taken on a much stronger presence among UN peacekeepers. The foremost showcase of this more robust and responsible stance has been MINUSTAH, the current UN mission in Haiti. South American contributors provide over half the operation’s troops, and the Force Commander is provided by Brazil.This book is intended as an introduction for researchers to the nexus of issues surrounding South America’s increasing influence as a contributor to peace operations. The authors provide the reader with a historically and theoretically grounded understanding of what motivates defence policy and decisions on intervention in the region. Featuring contributions from prominent thinkers in the field and a broad range of case studies, this volume successfully combines practical applicability with diversity of analysis. This book will be of much interest to students of peacekeeping, South American politics, peace and conflict studies, security studies and International Relations in general.

Peace operations are increasingly on the front line in the international community’s fight against organized crime; this book explores how, in some cases, peace operations and organized crime are clear enemies, while in others, they may become tacit allies.The threat posed by organized crime to international and human security has become a matter of considerable strategic concern for national and international decision-makers, so it is somewhat surprising how little thought has been devoted to addressing the complex relationship between organized crime and peace operations. This volume addresses this gap, questioning the emerging orthodoxy that portrays organized crime as an external threat to the liberal peace championed by western and allied states and delivered through peace operations. Based upon a series of case studies it concludes that organized crime is both a potential enemy and a potential ally of peace operations, and it argues for the need to distinguish between strategies to contain organized crime and strategies to transform the political economies in which it flourishes. The editors argue for the development of intelligent, transnational, and transitional law enforcement that can make the most of organized crime as a potential ally for transforming political economies, while at the same time containing the threat it presents as an enemy to building effective and responsible states.The book will be of great interest to students of peacebuilding, peace and conflict studies, organised crime, Security Studies and IR in general.

This edited volume explores and evaluates the roles of corruption in post-conflict peacebuilding.The problem of corruption has become increasingly important in war to peace transitions, eroding confidence in new democratic institutions, undermining economic development, diverting scarce public resources, and reducing the delivery of vital social services. Conflict-affected countries offer an ideal environment for pervasive corruption. Their weak administrative institutions and fragile legal and judicial systems mean that they lack the capacity to effectively investigate and punish corrupt behaviour. In addition, the sudden inflow of donor aid into post-conflict countries and the desire of peacebuilding actors (including the UN, the international financial institutions, aid agencies, and non-governmental organisations) to disburse these funds quickly, create incentives and opportunities for corruption.While corruption imposes costs and compromises on peacebuilding efforts, opportunities for exploiting public office can also be used to entice armed groups into signing peace agreements, thus stabilising post-war environments. This book explores the different functions of corruption both conceptually and through the lens of a wide range of case studies. It also examines the impact of key anti-corruption policies on peacebuilding environments. The dynamics that shape the relationship between corruption and the political and economic developments in post-conflict countries are complex. This analysis highlights that fighting corruption is only one of several important peacebuilding objectives, and that due consideration must be given to the specific social and political context in considering how a sustainable peace can be achieved. This book will be of great interest to students of peacekeeping and peacebuilding, criminology, political economy, war and conflict studies, international security and IR.

The book provides an updated account of justice reform in Afghanistan, which started in the wake of the US-led military intervention of 2001. In particular, it focuses on the role of international actors and their interaction with local stakeholders, highlighting some provisional results, together with problems and dilemmas encountered in the reform activities.Since the mid-1990s, justice system reform has become increasingly important in state-building operations, particularly with regard to the international administrations of Bosnia, Kosovo, East Slavonia and East Timor. Statebuilding and Justice Reform examines in depth the reform of justice in Afghanistan, evaluating whether the success of reform may be linked to any specific feature or approach. In doing so, it stresses the need for development programmes in the field of justice to be implemented through a multilateral approach, involving domestic authorities and other relevant stakeholders. Success is therefore linked to limiting the political interests of donors; establishing functioning pooled financing mechanisms; restricting the use of bilateral projects; improving the efficacy of technical and financial aid; and concentrating the attention on the ‘demand for justice’ at local level rather than on the traditional supply of financial and technical assistance.This book will be of much interest to students of Afghanistan, intervention and statebuilding, peacekeeping, and post-conflict reconstruction, as well as International Relations in general.Matteo Tondini is a researcher and a legal advisor. He has served as a project advisor to the Embassy of Italy in Kabul, Development Cooperation Unit, working within the ‘Afghanistan Justice Program’ and has a Phd in Political Systems and Institutional Change, from the Institute of Advanced Studies, Lucca, Italy.

This book critically examines peacebuilding, humanitarian intervention and peace operation practices and experiences in francophone spaces.Francophone Africa as a specific space is relatively little studied in the peace and security literature, despite the fact that almost half of all peacekeepers are deployed or were deployed in this part of Africa during the last decade. It is an arena for intervention that deserves more serious attention, if only because it provides fertile ground for exploring the key questions raised in the peacekeeping and peacebuilding literature. For instance, in 2002 a French operation (Licorne) was launched and in 2003 a UN force was deployed in Côte d’Ivoire alongside the French force there.Filling a gap in the current literature, Peace Operations in the Francophone World critically examines peacekeeping and peacebuilding practices in the francophone world, including but not limited to conflict prevention and resolution, security sector reform (SSR), francophone politics, and North–South relations. The book explores whether peace and security operations in francophone spaces have exceptional characteristics when compared with those carried out in other parts of the world and assesses whether an analysis of these operations in the francophone world can make a specific and original contribution to wider international debates about peacekeeping and peacebuilding.This book will be of much interest to students of peacekeeping, peacebuilding, peace and conflict studies, African politics, security studies, and IR in general.