Elements in the History and Politics of Fascism – serie

The elections of Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro, as well as the strengthening of the radical right globally, brought back debates of the similarities and differences between populism and fascism. This volume argues that fascism and populism are similar in so far that they constructed the people as one; understood leadership as embodiment; and performed politics of the extraordinary. They are different because there is a consensus that fascism occurred at a particular historical moment, and what came after was postfascism. There is not such an agreement to restrict populism to a historical moment. These isms also differ in the use of violence to deal with enemies, and on how they constructed their legitimacy using elections or abolishing democracy. Whereas fascism destroyed democracy and replaced elections with plebiscitary acclamation, populists promise to give power back to the people. Yet when in power the logic of populism leads to democratic erosion.

The elections of Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro, as well as the strengthening of the radical right globally, brought back debates of the similarities and differences between populism and fascism. This volume argues that fascism and populism are similar in so far that they constructed the people as one; understood leadership as embodiment; and performed politics of the extraordinary. They are different because there is a consensus that fascism occurred at a particular historical moment, and what came after was postfascism. There is not such an agreement to restrict populism to a historical moment. These isms also differ in the use of violence to deal with enemies, and on how they constructed their legitimacy using elections or abolishing democracy. Whereas fascism destroyed democracy and replaced elections with plebiscitary acclamation, populists promise to give power back to the people. Yet when in power the logic of populism leads to democratic erosion.

Is the world facing creeping fascism? And if so, how is it configured in contemporary circumstances? A wide-ranging debate has developed in recent years among scholars increasingly worried by the weakness of liberal democracy, and the growing electoral power of national populist movements in Europe. In this account, the rise of the current wave of populism was preceded, and is now accompanied by an important theoretical elaboration, initiated in the 1970's in France by the intellectuals of the Nouvelle Droite and continued by Russian, American and Latin-American intellectuals and political strategists. The theoretical goals of this meta-political elaboration is a reformulation of the values of cultural diversity, identity politics, and post-colonialism, a process which in this Element the author defines as the attempt to decolonize the 'postcolonial Western mind'.

Is the world facing creeping fascism? And if so, how is it configured in contemporary circumstances? A wide-ranging debate has developed in recent years among scholars increasingly worried by the weakness of liberal democracy, and the growing electoral power of national populist movements in Europe. In this account, the rise of the current wave of populism was preceded, and is now accompanied by an important theoretical elaboration, initiated in the 1970's in France by the intellectuals of the Nouvelle Droite and continued by Russian, American and Latin-American intellectuals and political strategists. The theoretical goals of this meta-political elaboration is a reformulation of the values of cultural diversity, identity politics, and post-colonialism, a process which in this Element the author defines as the attempt to decolonize the 'postcolonial Western mind'.

Is there a history of neo-fascism in Brazil? The purpose of this Element is to analyze neo-fascism as a late phenomenon to understand its impacts and its connections with the so-called new rights, the radical right, as well as Bolsonarism. For this purpose, this Element is separated in three sections, addressing the formation of the first neo-fascist organizations after the Brazilian democratic transition; the development and articulation of a transnational network amidst a sharpening political crisis; and the emergence of a more complex and active Brazilian framework in the global extreme-right scenario in recent years. The main argument is that, despite being a late phenomenon, neo-fascism managed to articulate itself and have a political impact in Brazil, therefore eliciting further investigation to understand its complexity and diversity.

Is there a history of neo-fascism in Brazil? The purpose of this Element is to analyze neo-fascism as a late phenomenon to understand its impacts and its connections with the so-called new rights, the radical right, as well as Bolsonarism. For this purpose, this Element is separated in three sections, addressing the formation of the first neo-fascist organizations after the Brazilian democratic transition; the development and articulation of a transnational network amidst a sharpening political crisis; and the emergence of a more complex and active Brazilian framework in the global extreme-right scenario in recent years. The main argument is that, despite being a late phenomenon, neo-fascism managed to articulate itself and have a political impact in Brazil, therefore eliciting further investigation to understand its complexity and diversity.

Through an in-depth study of the electoral process, the aim of this Element is to analyse the political transformations that occurred in Italy from 1919 to 1924. After the takeover of the low chamber by the mass integration parties in 1919 - Popular and Socialist - concerns grew within the liberal camp. The argument of this Element is that the conservatives failed to adapt and remain competitive in a system characterised by universal suffrage, thereby paving the way for the rise of the fascists. The electoral path to power begins with the political elections of 1921, continues through the renewal of the municipal councils in 1922-23, and concludes with the elections of 1924 when Mussolini managed to take control of the low chamber. The Duce assumed the role of head of the nation, presenting a list of candidates-the Listone-that included members of the Fascist Party and the former politica elite.

Through an in-depth study of the electoral process, the aim of this Element is to analyse the political transformations that occurred in Italy from 1919 to 1924. After the takeover of the low chamber by the mass integration parties in 1919 - Popular and Socialist - concerns grew within the liberal camp. The argument of this Element is that the conservatives failed to adapt and remain competitive in a system characterised by universal suffrage, thereby paving the way for the rise of the fascists. The electoral path to power begins with the political elections of 1921, continues through the renewal of the municipal councils in 1922-23, and concludes with the elections of 1924 when Mussolini managed to take control of the low chamber. The Duce assumed the role of head of the nation, presenting a list of candidates-the Listone-that included members of the Fascist Party and the former politica elite.

A global history of antifascism from its inception to our own times. Its inspiration, and subject of critique, though, is a work of fascist history, Robert O. Paxton's classic essay The Five Stages of Fascism. Paxton influentially studied fascism by comparing national case studies and proposing a cycle of five developmental stages through which each national fascism might progress. In this Element, the historian Joseph Fronczak counters Paxton's method of stages with one of ages: instead of organizing antifascism into national case studies going through stages, he organizes antifascism's global history into five ages, stressing the transnational causes and solidarities that pushed global antifascism to take form and shift shape over time. A further aim of this Element is to pose this history of antifascism as a counterhistory of fascism, a sort of epistemological experiment for rethinking fascism's history through a formulation of antifascism's history.

A global history of antifascism from its inception to our own times. Its inspiration, and subject of critique, though, is a work of fascist history, Robert O. Paxton's classic essay The Five Stages of Fascism. Paxton influentially studied fascism by comparing national case studies and proposing a cycle of five developmental stages through which each national fascism might progress. In this Element, the historian Joseph Fronczak counters Paxton's method of stages with one of ages: instead of organizing antifascism into national case studies going through stages, he organizes antifascism's global history into five ages, stressing the transnational causes and solidarities that pushed global antifascism to take form and shift shape over time. A further aim of this Element is to pose this history of antifascism as a counterhistory of fascism, a sort of epistemological experiment for rethinking fascism's history through a formulation of antifascism's history.

1942 represents the apex of the global wave of autocratization associated with the Era of Fascism, and the expansion of Axis Rule during World War were responsible for this impressive growth of authoritarian 'occupation' regimes. Starting in Asia with the Imperialist expansion of Japan, followed by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy in Europe, the number of dictatorships increased substantially. This Element analyses how the three poles of Axis rule, Italian Fascism, Nazi Germany, and Authoritarian Japan, lead the dynamics of institution-building of political regimes of occupation under their direct or indirect control, respective diffusion models and, in some cases, coercive transfers.