Making of the Twentieth Century – serie

Jonathan Wright explores the events, discusses rival interpretations and places the policies of Hitler in the context of Germany as a whole. Wright explains that support rose and fell, but, nevertheless, by December 1941 Hitler had succeeded in carrying Germany into a world war for racial empire.

Jonathan Wright explores the events, discusses rival interpretations and places the policies of Hitler in the context of Germany as a whole. Wright explains that support rose and fell, but, nevertheless, by December 1941 Hitler had succeeded in carrying Germany into a world war for racial empire.

The Spanish Civil War and its significance in the foreign relations of the Great Powers - Britain, France, the United States, Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy and Soviet Russia - has attracted the attention of numerous historians and readers. This new study re-evaluates the economic, ideological, political, diplomatic, military and strategic reasons for the involvement or non-involvement of the Great Powers in the Spanish conflict. It also examines civil war diplomacy through the London based Non-Intervention Committee.In addition, Spain, Portugal and the Great Powers, 1931-1941 explores:- The foreign relations of the Great Powers during the Second Spanish Republic between its inception in 1931 and the outbreak of civil war in July 1936- The conflicting policies and interests of the Great Powers concerning Portugal following the establishment of the Estado Novo in 1933 and, in particular, the outbreak of the civil war in Spain in 1936- The economic, strategic and military concerns and ambitions of the Axis and Allied Powers with regard to Spain and Portugal after the civil war and during the early Second World WarHere, for the first time, with the inclusion of Portugal, the Great Power relations are set in the wider context of the Iberian Peninsula, making this an essential guide to a turbulent period in World history.

Historians have heatedly debated the Soviet role in the origins of the Second World War for more than 50 years. At the centre of these controversies stands the question of Soviet relations with Nazi Germany and the Stalin-Hitler pact of 1939. Drawing on a wealth of new material from the Soviet Archives, this detailed and original study analyses Moscow's response to the rise of Hitler, explains the origins of the Nazi-Soviet pact, and charts the road to Operation Barbarossa and the disaster of the surprise German attack on the USSR in June 1941.

How and why did Britain become involved in the First World War? Taking into account the scholarship of the last twenty-five years, this second edition of Zara S. Steiner's classic study, thoroughly revised with Keith Neilson, explores a subject which is as highly contentious as ever.While retaining the basic argument that Britain went to war in 1914 not as a result of internal pressures but as a response to external events, Steiner and Neilson reject recent arguments that Britain became involved because of fears of an 'invented' German menace, or to defend her Empire. Instead, placing greater emphasis than before on the role of Russia, the authors convincingly argue that Britain entered the war in order to preserve the European balance of power and the nation's favourable position within it.Lucid and comprehensive, Britain and the Origins of the First World War brings together the bureaucratic, diplomatic, economic, strategical and ideological factors that led to Britain's entry into the Great War, and remains the most complete survey of the pre-war situation.

This fourth edition of the classic text on the Weimar Republic begins with Germany's defeat in 1918 and the revolutionary disturbances which followed the collapse of Wilhelm II's Empire. It describes the strengths and weaknesses of the new regime, and the stresses created by the economic difficulties of the 1920s. Adolf Hitler's career is traced from its early beginnings in Munich, and the nature of his movement is assessed.This edition, updated throughout and considerably expanded, takes full account of the last decade of research, including recent debates on the nature of the German revolution of 1918-19, the relationship between political upheavals and economic crises, and the question of whether there really was an alternative to the Third Reich in January 1933. The chronological table and extensive bibliography add to the book's value as both an introduction to Weimar and a stimulus to further study.

This fourth edition of the classic text on the Weimar Republic begins with Germany's defeat in 1918 and the revolutionary disturbances which followed the collapse of Wilhelm II's Empire. It describes the strengths and weaknesses of the new regime, and the stresses created by the economic difficulties of the 1920s. Adolf Hitler's career is traced from its early beginnings in Munich, and the nature of his movement is assessed.This edition, updated throughout and considerably expanded, takes full account of the last decade of research, including recent debates on the nature of the German revolution of 1918-19, the relationship between political upheavals and economic crises, and the question of whether there really was an alternative to the Third Reich in January 1933. The chronological table and extensive bibliography add to the book's value as both an introduction to Weimar and a stimulus to further study.

The true nature of Mussolini's foreign policy during the late interwar period has been the subject of considerable controversy. Was Mussolini in reality pro-British, even as late as June 1940; or was his international policy more sinister and based on conquering a Fascist empire in North Africa and the Middle East?Robert Mallett makes use of much new archival evidence in order to answer this riddle of interwar history. Mallett argues that Mussolini had harboured imperial designs in the Mediterranean and Red Sea from as early as 1919, but that not until 1933, with the rise of Hitler, was it possible for Fascist Italy to pursue a programme of territorial expansion. Previously unpublished material also casts new light on the Nazi-Fascist relationship, revealing it to be at times paranoid, acrimonious and duplicitous on both sides.Although the book focuses on Italian policy, it provides an important reassessment of the Ethiopian Crisis, the Spanish Civil War, the Austro-German Anschluss, Munich and the run up to the Second World War. Mallett shows that it is erroneous to place excessive emphasis on the role of Adolf Hitler in subverting the interwar international order, and demonstrates that Mussolini was heavily implicated in the global conflict that erupted in September 1939.

The true nature of Mussolini's foreign policy during the late interwar period has been the subject of considerable controversy. Was Mussolini in reality pro-British, even as late as June 1940; or was his international policy more sinister and based on conquering a Fascist empire in North Africa and the Middle East?Robert Mallett makes use of much new archival evidence in order to answer this riddle of interwar history. Mallett argues that Mussolini had harboured imperial designs in the Mediterranean and Red Sea from as early as 1919, but that not until 1933, with the rise of Hitler, was it possible for Fascist Italy to pursue a programme of territorial expansion. Previously unpublished material also casts new light on the Nazi-Fascist relationship, revealing it to be at times paranoid, acrimonious and duplicitous on both sides.Although the book focuses on Italian policy, it provides an important reassessment of the Ethiopian Crisis, the Spanish Civil War, the Austro-German Anschluss, Munich and the run up to the Second World War. Mallett shows that it is erroneous to place excessive emphasis on the role of Adolf Hitler in subverting the interwar international order, and demonstrates that Mussolini was heavily implicated in the global conflict that erupted in September 1939.

Yugoslavia was a phenomenon of the 'short' twentieth century. Its two incarnations fell between the cataclysm of the First World War which destroyed the old order, and the transformation of Europe which followed the collapse of communism in 1989. The task of building a viable, unified state was complicated not only by Yugoslavia's diverse cultural composition, but also by the pressures which the evolution of international society have placed on the modern state.Yugoslavia- Explains and examines the key themes in the history of the former Yugoslavia- Synthesises the main strands in contemporary debate about the origins of the Yugoslav crisis- Presents a truly international history, exposing in full the role played by other countries in the rise and fall of the nationFocussing on both domestic and external factors, Ann Lane presents a balanced analysis of this ultimately failed attempt at state-building in a region of cultural diversity.

It is now 80 years since Mussolini's Fascism came to power in Italy, but the political heirs of the original Fascism are part of government in today's Italy. The resurgence of neo-fascist and neo-Nazi extremism all over Europe are a reminder of the continuing place of fascism in contemporary European society, despite its political and military defeat in 1945.This thoroughly revised, updated and expanded edition provides a critical and comprehensive overview of the origins of Fascism and the movement's taking and consolidation of power. Philip Morgan:- Explains how the experience of the First World War created Fascism- Describes how the unsettled post-war conditions in Italy enabled an initially small group of political adventurers around Mussolini to build a large movement and take power in 1922- Focuses on the workings of the first ever 'totalitarian' system and its impacts on the lives and outlooks of ordinary Italians- Considers the meshing of internal 'fascistisation' and expansionism, which emerged most clearly after 1936 as Italy became more closely aligned with Nazi Germany- Examines the demise of Italian Fascism between 1943 and 1945 as Mussolini and his party became the puppets of Nazism- Provides an explanation and interpretation of Fascism, locating it in contemporary history and taking account of recent debates on the nature of the phenomenon.Clear and approachable, this essential text is ideal for anyone interested in Italy's turbulent political history in the first half of the 20th century.

Sally Marks provides a compelling analysis of European diplomacy between the First World War and Hitler's advent. She explores in clear and lively prose the reasons why successive efforts failed to create a lasting peace in the interwar era. Building on the theories of the first edition - many of which have become widely accepted since its publication in 1976 - Marks reassesses Europe's leaders of the period, and the policies of the powers between 1918 and 1933, and beyond.Strongly interpretative and archivally based, The Illusion of Peace examines the emotional, ethnic, and economic factors responsible for international instability, as well as the distortion of the balance of power, the abnormal position of the Soviet Union, the weakness of France and the uncertainty of her relationship with Britain, and the inadequacy of the League of Nations. In so doing, the study clarifies the complex topics of reparations and war debts and challenges traditional assumptions, concluding that widespread western devotion to disarmament and dedication to peace were two of several reasons why democratic statesmen could not respond decisively to Hitler's threat. In this new edition Marks also argues that the Allied failure to bring defeat home to the German people in 1918-19 generated a resentment which contributed to interwar instability and Hitler's rise.This highly successful study has been thoroughly revised and updated to reflect the latest scholarship. Now in its second edition, it remains the essential introduction to the tense political and diplomatic situation in Europe during the interwar years.

The third edition of this acclaimed textbook on peace-making after the First World War advances that the responsibility for the outbreak of a new, even more ruinous, war in 1939 cannot be ascribed entirely to the planet’s most powerful men and their meeting in Paris in January 1919 to reassemble a shattered world. Giving a concise overview of the problems and pressures these key figures were facing, Alan Sharp provides a coherent introduction to a highly complex and multi-dimensional topic.This is an ideal resource for undergraduate and postgraduate students taking modules on the Versailles Settlement, European and International History, Modern History, Interwar Europe, The Great War, 20th Century Europe, German History, or Diplomatic History, on either history courses or international relations/politics courses.

The third edition of this acclaimed textbook on peace-making after the First World War advances that the responsibility for the outbreak of a new, even more ruinous, war in 1939 cannot be ascribed entirely to the planet’s most powerful men and their meeting in Paris in January 1919 to reassemble a shattered world. Giving a concise overview of the problems and pressures these key figures were facing, Alan Sharp provides a coherent introduction to a highly complex and multi-dimensional topic.This is an ideal resource for undergraduate and postgraduate students taking modules on the Versailles Settlement, European and International History, Modern History, Interwar Europe, The Great War, 20th Century Europe, German History, or Diplomatic History, on either history courses or international relations/politics courses.

Since the end of the Cold War, international organisations have assumed a greater importance on the world stage. The United Nations has played a key role in all of the major security issues during this period - increasingly called upon to address other global problems such as poverty and international crime - while the European Union has created a single currency and moved towards the adoption of a constitution. The growing significance of the World Trade Organisation and other economic institutions has led some to talk of the emergence of a structure of global governance; and international non-governmental organisations and social movements are now widely seen as forming a kind of global civil society that both challenges and participates in these developments.Building on the success of the previous edition (Versailles to Maastricht: International Organisation in the Twentieth Century), this book is a valuable introduction to the complex history of modern international organisation. David Armstrong, Lorna Lloyd and John Redmond:- Pay close attention to the League of Nations, the UN and the EU.- Offer chapters on the new regionalism, global governance and international regimes and global civil society.- Adopt a thematic and analytical approach to the subject.- Provide a concise factual account of the rise of the international organisation.