Politics, Security and Society in Asia Pacific – serie

This book provides a history of the South China Sea conflict and lays out the stakes for each of the bordering states and China’s interaction with them – namely, Vietnam, the Philippines, Brunei, Malaysia, Taiwan, and Indonesia; it also examines the U.S. government’s role in the region. China’s Naval Operations in the South China Sea is highly topical; it examines the evolving perception of the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) of the South China Sea (SCS), and Beijing’s accompanying maritime strategy to claim the islands and waters, particularly in the context of the strategies of the neighbouring stake-holding nations. In addition to long-standing territorial disputes over the islands and waters of the SCS, China and the other littoral states — Vietnam, the Philippines, Brunei, Malaysia, Taiwan, and Indonesia — have growing and often mutually exclusive interests in the offshore energy reserves and fishing grounds. Many other countries outside of the region worry about the protection of sea lines of communication for military and commercial traffic, oil tankers in particular. These differences have been expressed in the increasing frequency and intensity of maritime incidents, involving both naval and civilian vessels, sometimes working in coordination against naval or civilian targets. Each chapter on the littoral states closely examines that state’s territorial claims to the islands and waters of the SCS, its primary economic and military interests in these areas, its views on the sovereignty disputes over the entire SCS, its strategy to achieve its objectives, and its views on the U.S. involvement in any and all of these issues.|Here is a history of the South China Sea (SCS) conflict and the stakes for each of the bordering states and China’s (PRC) interaction with them. it examines the US’s role in the region. It examines the PRC’s perception of the SCS, and its strategy to claim the islands and waters, in the context of the strategies of other stake-holding nations.

This book reconstructs the factional-ideological conflicts surrounding socialist transformation and political reform in China that were played out through ‘factional model-making’, a norm-bound mechanism for elites of the Chinese Communist Party to contest the party line publicly. Dazhai, Anhui, Nanjie, Shekou, Shenzhen, Guangdong and Chongqing were cultivated into factional models by party elites before Xi Jinping came to power in 2012. Although factional model-making undermined party discipline, it often did not threaten regime security and even contributed to regime resilience through strengthening collective leadership and other means. This follows that the suppression of factional model-making under Xi might undermine longer-term regime resilience. However, Xi believes that regime security rests on his strongman rule, not any benefits that factional model-making may contribute. It is in this spirit that he grooms Zhejiang into a party model for his policy programme of common prosperity, which is designed to legitimize his vision of socialism.

The formal diplomatic relations between Japan and Western nations dawned when the first American consul-general Townsend Harris was received by the thirteenth Tokugawa shogun Iesada at Edo castle in 1857. This work unveils the seventeen castle audiences for Western envoys carried out by the Tokugawa shogunate (1603-1867) during its last decade of reign. Through that process, the shogunate completed a ceremonial form based on its own tradition, as well as consistent with the Western practice. The endeavours of Tokugawa retainers on the frontline of external affairs at the time, prior to the Meiji Restoration (1868), was the true first step of Japan’s entry into the international community. The formation of diplomatic ceremonial, progressed as a different layer from more political negotiations, provides an alternative history of bakumatsu (late years of the shogunate) foreign relations that has been overlooked in previous studies.

Public diplomacy enables private citizens to be involved in international relations either through initiatives sponsored by governments or through direct people-to-people contacts in areas such as culture, business, education, tourism and sport. Public Diplomacy in Ireland and Japan traces the evolution of this growing branch of diplomacy and examines the role it has played in the foreign policies of Ireland and Japan, and in their bilateral relationship. It concludes that public diplomacy has contributed significantly to strengthening the links between the two countries.

With an author’s foreword written on the day that the Abe cabinet decided to ‘revise the Japanese Constitution by reinterpretation’ (Tuesday, 1 July 2014), this timely examination of Japan’s post-war history by two leading historians committed to democratic politics is highly instructive and prompts serious reflection by anyone concerned with the future of Japan. Originally published in Japan by Iwanami Shinsho, The Abe Experiment and the Future of Japan, records a wide-ranging dialogue between two eminent Japanese scholars – Junji Banno, a political historian, and Jir? Yamaguchi, a political scientist – regarding Japan’s modern political history. The focus of the conversation is on what they perceive as disturbing parallels between the 1930s and the recent policy trajectory of the Abe government, in which relations with Japan’s immediate neighbours have seriously deteriorated. The translation is by the distinguished Oxford scholar and author Arthur Stockwin, formerly Director of the Nissan Institute.

In this his latest work, Gavan McCormack argues that Abe Shinzo’s efforts to re-engineer the Japanese state may fail, but his radicalism continues to shake the country and will have consequences not easy now to predict. The significance of this book will be widely recognized, particularly by those researching contemporary world politics, international relations and the history of modern Japan. McCormack here revisits and reassesses his previous formulations of Japan as construction state (doken kokka), client state (zokkoku), constitutional pacifist state, and colonial state (especially in its relationship to Okinawa). He adds a further chapter on what he calls the ‘rampant state’, that outlines the increasingly authoritarian or ikkyo (one strong) turn of the Abe government in the fifth year of its second term. And he critically addresses the Abe agenda for constitutional revision.

Comprising two volumes, this is a pioneering study which examines how the United States has deployed public diplomacy with Japan to confront Japanese sexual and labour trafficking, while also charting the successes and failures of the US’s own record on anti-trafficking practices at home and abroad. The subject is an important aspect of human rights advocacy where much remains either unknown or imprecise with regard to a phenomenon that involves millions of people across all continents and within all nation states. The approach is largely chronological and country-based, using documentary evidence from 1945 onwards to trace national and international responses to what is frequently termed ‘modern slavery’, placed within the broader and still evolving context of respect for the full panoply of human rights. Volume 1 comprises the analysis, debates and outcomes, together with ten primary documents relating to the years 1945–1999, as well as a bibliography and index. Volume 2 comprises a further 34 documents relating to the years 2000–2020, including international covenants, US Trafficking In Persons and Congressional reports, and Japanese government papers.

This work records a dialogue between two eminent Japanese scholars – a political historian and a political scientist – regarding Japan’s modern political history. It draws disturbing parallels between the 1930s and the recent policy trajectory of the Abe government, in which relations with Japan’s immediate neighbours have seriously deteriorated.

Here is a history of the South China Sea (SCS) conflict and the stakes for each of the bordering states and China’s (PRC) interaction with them. it examines the US’s role in the region. It examines the PRC’s perception of the SCS, and its strategy to claim the islands and waters, in the context of the strategies of other stake-holding nations.

Gavan McCormack’s latest work argues that Abe Shinzo’s efforts to re-engineer the Japanese state may fail, but his radicalism continues to shake the country and have consequences not easy to predict. Its significance will be recognized by those researching contemporary world politics, international relations and the history of modern Japan.

The USA, post-1945, has deployed public diplomacy to lead the global fight against sexual and labour trafficking. This book traces how the US has named and shamed Japan to improve its human rights performance as measured by US annual listings of trafficking activity.

This book traces the evolution of this growing branch of diplomacy and examines the role it has played in the foreign policies of Ireland and Japan, and in their bilateral relationship. It concludes that public diplomacy has contributed significantly to strengthening the links between the two countries.

Soeda’s story provides insights into the last thousand years of Japanese history. It was the location of a strategically important castle, Ganjakujo, from the twelfth century until its destruction by Toyotomi Hideyoshi in 1587. Ganjakujo controlled access to Mt Hiko which was the most important Shugend. monastic community in Kyushu until its dissolution in the 1870s. Coal mines in Soeda in the first half of the twentieth century owned by the Kurauchi family drove the modernization of the town and contributed to the industrialization of the country. During the Pacific war, these mines employed Korean labourers and Allied POWs. The town continued to contribute to national economic growth in the 1950s but, following the switch to oil as the main source of energy, its coal mines closed in the 1960s. For forty years between 1971–2010, Mayor Yamamoto Fumio sheltered the town from the worst impact of being ‘left behind’, yet the town continues to seek a new identity in the twenty-first century.

This book endeavors to provide a balanced analytical treatment of ethnic nationalists, state leaders, and foreign intervenors in China's frontier politics, explaining systematically the circumstances of their entanglements, and traces in detail the underlying and lasting causes and effects of their association—from the closing years of the last Chinese imperial dynasty in the late nineteenth century to the present day., Structured chronologically, the book offers in-depth analysis, comprehensively covering more than a hundred years of ethnic separatism, governance, and interventionism in the modern political history of China, using Tibetan, Uyghur, and Inner Mongolian case studies with a theoretical framework of internal colonialism/state integration., Competing Nationalisms in China's Borderlands is essential reading for students and instructors of undergraduate and graduate courses on China and acquisition for university and public libraries, and is also recommended for everyone else interested in China's ethnic politics and its international dimensions. This study does not limit discussions to one specific time period or any one regime , it does not limit discussions to one particular ethnic group, and includes an underlying analytical framework for testing with evidence

This book reconstructs the factional-ideological conflicts surrounding socialist transformation and political reform in China that were played out through ‘factional model-making’, a norm-bound mechanism for elites of the Chinese Communist Party to contest the party line publicly. Dazhai, Anhui, Nanjie, Shekou, Shenzhen, Guangdong and Chongqing were cultivated into factional models by party elites before Xi Jinping came to power in 2012. Although factional model-making undermined party discipline, it often did not threaten regime security and even contributed to regime resilience through strengthening collective leadership and other means. This follows that the suppression of factional model-making under Xi might undermine longer-term regime resilience. However, Xi believes that regime security rests on his strongman rule, not any benefits that factional model-making may contribute. It is in this spirit that he grooms Zhejiang into a party model for his policy programme of common prosperity, which is designed to legitimize his vision of socialism.