Series on Contemporary China – serie

China emerged as a major economic, diplomatic, and military power during the critical decade from 2008 to 2018. As a result, China's foreign policy has become more active and dynamic. This book provides a unique perspective to understand Chinese foreign policy during this decade by examining continuities and changes in both internal and external factors that have shaped China's development. The book focuses on key challenges in China's diplomacy such as US-China relations, the Korean Peninsula, Taiwan, Japan, India, Chinese investment overseas, the Belt and Road Initiative, global and regional cooperation, soft power, etc. It also includes an extensive annotated bibliography of major recent publications on various aspects of Chinese foreign policy. This is the first scholarly book that studies the evolution and key challenges of China's foreign relations during the critical decade (2008-2018) when China grew into a crucial, sometimes assertive, power in international affairs.

This book provides a comprehensive examination of value changes of Chinese citizens, especially the younger generation, and how the Chinese authorities take efforts to adapt to such changes and refine its social control mechanisms. The book discusses three related themes through a series of topics. The first theme examines the changes in political attitudes and values among Chinese youths, comparing them to the older generations in the mainland and their contemporaries in Hong Kong and Taiwan. The second theme focuses on the recent development of social unrests, new pursuits that emerged in the Chinese society, and new means adopted by the Chinese protestors. The third theme touches on the responses of the party-state under the Xi Jinping administration, and how it has sophisticatized the machine of social control. With these three themes, this book also adds on to the understanding of regime stability of the Communist system in China, and how this system handles a variety of challenges brought about by dramatic social changes.

This book seeks to understand the simultaneous economic and political contributors to China's changing agricultural protection levels and the central government's choice of policy instruments to tax or assist farmers. It theoretically explores the motivation behind agricultural trade-related support policies through extending the two-sector specific factors production model to three sectors, so as to make it more relevant for a one-party state such as China. Chapter three tests that theory empirically, using panel data on agricultural distortions for the period 1981 to 2010 from Anderson and Nelgen (2013). The long-running trend in the level of assistance to the farm sector sees considerable fluctuations in support each year, which has been attributed to fluctuations in international prices of agricultural products. Chapter four seeks to explain the Chinese government's responses to world market price fluctuations. In practice, the government does have other instruments besides trade restrictions to alter domestic producer and consumer prices in the face of fluctuating international prices. Chapter five explores the role that public storage policy can play in contributing to the government's objective of stabilizing the domestic market price of farm products. The final chapter of the book draws out implications for policymakers in China and elsewhere.

This book takes a fresh look at Chinese political economy at a key inflection point. Facing a more competitive international environment, Chinese reform has shifted from its earlier focus on economic liberalization and political decentralization to a more tightly organized, centralized form of state socialism. The Party-state's vigorous fiscal reaction to the Global Financial Crisis (2008-2009) left the country with a much improved infrastructure and greater sense of national self-assurance. The more monocratic central leadership has redoubled efforts to fight poverty and pollution, push technological innovation, and at the same time rigorously enforce ideological consensus, political loyalty and anticorruption.This has been occurring in an international context of slowing trade and nationalist pushback against "globalization", prominently including bilateral Chinese-American polarization. While China has been among the staunchest advocates and beneficiaries of globalization, incipient trade war "decoupling" has spurred movement toward economic and technological self-reliance. Turning inward however vies with a rival impulse toward more vigorous engagement in the world. This is most consequentially represented by the Belt and Road Initiative, driving massive infrastructure construction through Central Asia and the South and Southeast Asian maritime periphery. Despite slowing growth and a large debt overhang, swift recovery from the Covid-19 epidemic leaves China in a relatively strong economic position.

Henry Kissinger observed, "Everybody wants to be a China hawk." China is a bully. China is Nazi Germany. China commits genocide. China disrupts the "international rules-based order." Responding to such uninformed generalization on the nature of China's regime and its lack of human values, the Western Liberal Democracies have created their own "China Problem" by clinging to Cold War anachronism. The clash of values is not nearly as deep and extensive as is often claimed. Furthermore, the contemporary public discourse on China needs a complete assessment of the values that have emerged in Xi Jinping's China. Xi is regarded as "red" like Mao. Xi, however, has abandoned Mao's view of class struggle and his notion of a "rejuvenated China" embraces traditional core principles that Mao bitterly condemned. "Ren", or "benevolence", for example, now informs entwined domestic and foreign policy as "moderate prosperity in all respects". "Ren", or "benevolence" is aligned with "common security" and "common development". The question is whether this is a positive restoration of traditional values that will contribute to domestic development and international peace, or restorationist Middle-Kingdom-ism designed to assert Chinese values worldwide. This book's analysis of Chinese values argues that the current interpretation of the "China Threat" is predicated in a serious misunderstanding of Chinese values.It is often commented that China is "the defining geopolitical issues of our time". This book is an especially timely contribution to the currently limited public policy debate on China as a threat to Western values and the "international rules-based system". Correction is long overdue with reference to speculative assumptions that Xi Jinping's regime represents a return to Mao's regime. "Socialism with Chinese characteristics" has significantly moved on under Xi's leadership. Hyperbole about China has presumed the continuation of Chinese Cold War ideology and has either lightly commented on, or ignored altogether the resurgence of core traditional ideas in Chinese policy formation. This book provides detailed research of "Xi Jinping Thought" and "Xi Jinping Diplomatic Thought". It adopts a widely construed, but serious interdisciplinary, approach towards the "China Problem", drawing on both the social sciences and humanities. This wide-angled approach includes "new sinology" in its recent review of "translated China", synthesizing tradition and culture with the development of modern Chinese ideology, politics and policy formation. The book's significant topicality is presented within an unconventional approach and formatted contents designed to reach out to the biggest circle of general and advanced, China-interested readers in the time of great debate.

This book documents the bases for a new view of legitimacy in general and in various parts of Asia, including China, Malaysia, South Korea, Taiwan and Japan. The authors see legitimacy anywhere as always partial, rather than total, and somewhat measurable. Legitimacy is specifically political, rather than more vaguely socioeconomic. It can be a predicate of various sizes of collectivity, not just of a sovereign government, or of policies, or of leaders. It can be challenged by patriotism. Legitimacy derives not just from scientific norms or technocracy, even in modern times. It is a belief whose alternative (illegitimacy) people may often suppress in their minds until external situations change, bringing an unexpected cascade of altered legitimacy.The volume is edited by Lynn White, a professor in the Woodrow Wilson School and Politics Department at Princeton. It throws light not only on modern changes of the process of political legitimization, but also on the correlates of that process in specific East and Southeast Asian countries.This book can be adopted as a textbook, please email sales@wspc.com for student price enquiries.

The fourth generation of leaders of the People's Republic of China, while benefiting from the prestige of China's entry into the World Trade Organization and the honor of hosting the 2008 Olympic Games, also needs to contemplate the sobering side-effects of a rapid and internationally-interdependent economy and a troubled and only partly reformed political system.This important book approaches the study of the PRC under Hu Jintao in a two-fold manner: by examining the new political parameters within which the party-state functions and by analyzing the prominent issues — at home and abroad — that are commanding the attention of China's new leaders. The book tackles a comprehensive range of topics, including elites, institutions and state-society relations, politics and the political implications of economic change, domestic politics and foreign relations.

This volume is the first comprehensive study of China's “political civilization” since the term was introduced by then Party Secretary Jiang Zemin in 2002. Selected among about 200 papers delivered at an international conference in Beijing in 2004, this collection of ten essays discusses the relations between “political civilization” and political reform in China from the different perspectives of institution building, political culture, political theory, intra-party democracy, political participation, judiciary reform, legislative reform, and media reform. While the contributors are aware of the enormous difficulties China faces in reforming its political system and political culture, most are optimistic about the prospect of reform. Through theoretical discussions, the institutional analysis and other empirical methods in the book contribute to our understanding of Chinese politics in unique ways.

The rise of China has thrown open many important and interesting questions: Will a strong China behave responsibly in world affairs, complying with the rules and norms of the 'international community'? Or will it defy 'universal standards', and fight instead for its own interests and those of the developing world, thereby challenging the global order dominated by the West?The first of its kind to gauge in a comprehensive manner China's responsibility in world affairs, this book scrutinizes China's compliance with international rules and norms, embodied in the treaties that it has signed or ratified, especially in the areas of trade, arms control and non-proliferation, protection of the environment, and human rights.The book also examines Sino-US relations, as the US closely monitors China's compliance in world affairs. It is that behavior which is largely determining the relative emphasis put on engagement with or containment of China by the West, and by the US in particular.

This volume is an updated survey and assessment of the recent policy initiatives of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, which have come to be known as the Hu-Wen's New Deal. Individual chapters are written by scholars from different academic disciplines and backgrounds. These scholars hail from Singapore, the United States, Australia, Korea, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Mainland China.Topics cover the patterns and process of leadership succession, emerging political factions, social unrest, sources of economic growth, income disparities, social security reform, land use policy, banking reform, corporate governance, labor and population policies, rule of law, and changes in the Party and ideology. On the external aspects, discussion includes China's changing relations with the U.S., Japan and ASEAN. In many ways, the Hu-Wen leadership today is still coming to grips with the same issues and problems as discussed in this book.

There is widespread recognition — among policy-makers, business communities, and scholars — of the importance of improving environmental policy and management in China. Environmental concerns in China have triggered the publication of a number of books on the subject. However, very few books offer an in-depth case study of the environmental challenges in Shanghai.This book aims to explore the extent to which Shanghai has managed to cope with water supply as well as water quality control challenges in terms of its sociopolitical and economic development since 1990, with a special reference to the impact of social actors on water policy. The book focuses on the contributions from each actor in water policy — the most influential actor being the Shanghai government, private companies, environmental NGOs, Shanghai citizens, and international development agencies. The Shanghai water sector, in the recent few years, has been diversified through interactions between the Shanghai government and the newly emergent social actors. Consequently, water policy in Shanghai is influenced by multilateral interactions between these actors with their diverse interests and goals. The book will demonstrate the ways in which these actors in the Shanghai water sector have co-evolved through interactions to formulate a new mode of water policy reflecting the diverse interests of the social actors.

This book provides a discussion of the general impact of WTO membership on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, and addresses the political and economic impact on cross-Strait relations of common membership.The book begins with an introduction which analyzes the state of cross-Strait economic and political relations on the eve of dual accession to the WTO and briefly introduces the chapters which follow. The first chapter discusses the concessions made by both sides in their accession agreements and is followed by two chapters which describe the manner in which the Taiwan economy was reformed to achieve compliance as well as the specific, restrictive trade regime that was put into place to manage mainland trade. The next two chapters deal with the implications of that restrictive trade regime for the Taiwan economy in Asia and with the nature of the interactions between the two sides within the WTO. The final four chapters of the volume examine the impact of membership on four sectors of the economy: finance; agriculture; electronics and automobiles. There is a post-script which briefly covers developments since the chapters were completed.

This book is the first attempt to conceptualize China's central-local relations from the behavioral perspective. Although China does not have a federalist system of government, the author believes that, with deepening reform and openness, China's central-local relations is increasingly functioning on federalist principles.Federalism as a functioning system in China is under studied. The author defines the political system existing in China as “de facto federalism”, and provides a detailed analysis of its sources and dynamics in the book. The system is mainly driven by two related factors — inter-governmental decentralization and globalization. While economic decentralization since the 1980s has led to the formation of de facto federalism, globalization since the 1990s has accelerated this process and generated increasingly high pressure on the Chinese leadership to institutionalize de facto federalism by various measures of selective recentralization.

China's Elite Politics provides a new theoretical perspective on elite politics in China and uses this theoretical perspective to explain power transfer from Jiang Zemin to Hu Jintao and political dynamics between different factional groups since the Sixteenth Party Congress of November 2002. It explains the transition in structural terms, presents characteristics of China's political elites, and analyzes the balance of power among formal institutions as well as among factional groups. It also examines political interactions between Jiang Zemin and his cronies on the one side and Hu Jintao and his allies on the other over a number of issues: the epidemic of severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS); ideological institutionalization; the politics over economic overheating; Jiang Zemin's complete retirement; and Hu Jintao's power consolidation in both ideological and personnel terms.

China has been enjoying stellar economic growth for more than a quarter of a century. Yet the rapid growth amid market-oriented reforms has not been an unalloyed blessing. The “China Miracle” has been accompanied by soaring income inequality and rising social tensions, over-taxing China's resource base and contributing to an environmental crisis. Despite substantial improvement in the standard of living and other social indicators, China's leaders have, in the aftermath of the Tiananmen crackdown, steadfastly held back the opening up of the political system.In this volume, contributors from the disciplines of economics, political science, and sociology examine how existing institutions, broadly defined, might have exacerbated tensions in China's evolving economy, society and polity as well as how institutional developments have been introduced to deal with existing or emerging conflicts and tensions.

This is the first book that analyzes tobacco control policies in China from the perspectives of economics and health. For readers interested in the economic aspects of tobacco control policy issues not only in China but also in other developing countries, this book provides a comprehensive analytical and empirical framework addressing key debated issues.This book covers a range of interesting topics from the prevalence of smoking in China, health and economic burden of smoking in China, demand for cigarettes and taxation in China, the role of tobacco on farming, the tobacco industry and the World Trade Organization, poverty and smoking in China, to future challenges of tobacco control for the Chinese government.

The Chinese economy today is at a critical crossroads. Sustained rapid growth has given rise to structural strains as well as sectoral imbalances. It has also generated socio-economic problems such as rising income inequality, rural discontent and environmental degradation. All of these must be addressed before China can enter the next lap of high growth.Containing 12 chapters, this volume is a collaborative effort of leading economists from Beijing, Singapore and elsewhere in the region in analyzing China's economic growth prospects and their concomitant problems and constraints.

China's booming economy has drawn both admiration and fear from the rest of the world. With its ability to churn out high-quality goods at low prices, China has become known as the “factory of the world”.To better understand China's development and modernisation since the 1978 reforms, it is necessary to analyse its policies on importing technologies and developing indigenous ones.The articles in this volume paint a comprehensive picture of the attempts by the Chinese government to adopt and foster science and technology, the successes of the policies and the continuing challenges.

China has an estimated 120-150 million internal migrants from the countryside living in its cities. These people are the engine that has been driving China's high rate of economic growth. However, until recently, little or no attention has been given to the establishment of a social protection regime for migrant workers. This volume examines the key issues involved in establishing social protection for them, including a critical examination of deficiencies in existing arrangements and an in-depth study of proposals that have been offered for extending social security coverage. Featuring contributions from leading academics outside China who have written on the topic as well as experts from leading Chinese academic institutions such as Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and the Development Research Center in the State Council, this volume provides a comprehensive account from both inside and outside China.

This book consists of papers presented at the International Conference on “China: The Next Decade”, organized by the East Asian Institute at the National University of Singapore in 2007 to commemorate the Institute's 10th anniversary. With eight papers covering China's economic, social and political development, this volume offers a balanced yet in-depth assessment of the challenges facing China in the next decade.Featuring contributions from internationally renowned scholars, this timely volume analyzes key aspects of China's reforms and development, such as the financial reform, international trade, leadership succession, social protests, health care reform and ethnic relationships. It is suitable for China scholars as well as advanced undergraduate and graduate students interested in China's polity, economy and society.

A sequel to the author's trailblazer (China's Elite Politics: Political Transition and Power Balancing, published by World Scientific in 2007), this book tackles the issue of governance in China. It provides up-to-date information on China's political elites and evaluates their ability to deal with crises through four case studies: Snowstorm in the South, the Tibet issue, the Sichuan Earthquake, and the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games.Along with China's Elite Politics: Political Transition and Power Balancing, this book provides rich empirical information on and insightful theoretical understanding of national-level politics in China and serves as a good reference source for students of Chinese politics.

Why have Taiwan, rich parts of China, and Thailand boomed famously, while the Philippines has long remained stagnant both economically and politically? Do booms abet democracy? Does the rise of middle “classes” promise future liberalization? Why has Philippine democracy brought no boom and barely served the Filipino people?This book, unlike most previous studies, shows that both the roots and results of growth are largely political rather than economic. Specifically, it pays attention to local, not just national, power networks that caused or prevented growth in the four places under consideration. Violence has been common in these polities, along with money. Elections have contributed to socio-political problems that are also obvious in Leninist or junta regimes, because elections are surprisingly easy to buy with corrupt money from government contracts. Liberals should pay more serious theoretical attention to the effects of money on justice, and Western political science should focus more clearly on the ways non-state local power affects elections. By considering the effects on fair justice of local money and power (largely from small- and medium-sized firms that emerge after agrarian reforms), this book asks democrats to face squarely the extent to which electoral procedures fail to help ordinary citizens. Students and scholars of Asia will all need this book — as will students of the West whose methods have become parochial.

Why have Taiwan, rich parts of China, and Thailand boomed famously, while the Philippines has long remained stagnant both economically and politically? Do booms abet democracy? Does the rise of middle “classes” promise future liberalization? Why has Philippine democracy brought no boom and barely served the Filipino people?This book, unlike most previous studies, shows that both the roots and results of growth are largely political rather than economic. Specifically, it pays attention to local, not just national, power networks that caused or prevented growth in the four places under consideration. Violence has been common in these polities, along with money. Elections have contributed to socio-political problems that are also obvious in Leninist or junta regimes, because elections are surprisingly easy to buy with corrupt money from government contracts. Liberals should pay more serious theoretical attention to the effects of money on justice, and Western political science should focus more clearly on the ways non-state local power affects elections. By considering the effects on fair justice of local money and power (largely from small- and medium-sized firms that emerge after agrarian reforms), this book asks democrats to face squarely the extent to which electoral procedures fail to help ordinary citizens. Students and scholars of Asia will all need this book — as will students of the West whose methods have become parochial.

As the dazzling economic and social changes in China have imposed substantial impact upon the quality of environmental governance, it is time to review the problems and progress in the politics of China's environmental protection. This book analyzes the factors in China's governance and political process that affect and restrain its capacity to handle the mounting environmental problems. It argues that solutions to China's ecological woes to a larger extent lie in the political and institutional changes rather than in engineering, technological and investment input. The book talks about new policies and reform measures in the green area taken by the government since 2007, arguing that some of them may be quite effective in the long run, as long as they alter institutional factors and the “growth-first” mindset that obstruct the green effort.The book also includes discussion of China's climate change policy not only because global warming has come under the limelight of the international community in recent years, but also because it offers a unique dimension to analyze the country's environmental diplomacy and domestic bureaucratic structure on emissions cutting and related energy issues. China is currently at the crossroads of further political and economic reform, and the intensified public attention to environmental pollution may help the Chinese Communist Party to decisively push forward the long-sluggish political reforms.

In view of its size, and vast land and sea boundaries that it shares with its neighbours, China has always regarded its peripheral policy as a crucial aspect of its national security. Such a mentality conforms to Chinese leaders' core belief that a stable external environment — in particular, its immediate region — remains the sine qua non for the continued and sustained rejuvenation of their nation.This book examines China's evolving strategies towards its surrounding peripheries. It is the first book to examine in detail President Xi Jinping's steering of China's peripheral diplomacy. It argues that China pursues an ambitious, omnidirectional regional diplomacy that emphasizes the entire periphery region, and not just specific peripheries. According to this book, Chinese regional policy cannot be properly and adequately understood without taking into account its full breadth, substance and scope. Featuring chapters that explore China's evolving policy in Northeast Asia, Southeast Asia, South Asia and Central Asia, and addressing new developments under Xi, this book fleshes out the intricacies of how China has been managing its peripheral relationships in Asia under new circumstances and new leadership.

Social Construction in Contemporary China is the 4th major work of the research group led by Prof Lu Xueyi. Lu's previous three works are on the stratification of society, social mobility and social structure respectively. The book places the modernization of China in the historical context and points out that China's modernization is at a turning point. The book emphasizes that the essence of social construction is to build a modern society, thus inferring that social construction occupies a strategic position in the modernization process. The book also discusses various aspects of social construction — the people's livelihood and social undertakings, income distribution, urban and rural communities, community organizations, social management, social norms, social institutions, social structure, the process of social construction. The book covers in-depth analysis of all areas of social construction and the problems associated thereof, and proposes specific suggestions, so that social construction does not remain a project on paper but possesses practical operability. It focuses on reforms in social system as well as optimizing and adjusting social structure. It concludes that along with the in-depth implementation of social construction, social modernization will come to realization, thus attaining the full modernization of socialism and eventually realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

As China rises to become the world's largest economy, half a billion rural villagers are expected to become urban residents in the coming decades. The great urbanization of the world's most populated country is sure to be one of the most far-reaching social-economic events in the 21st century. This book provides a clear and comprehensive review of this unfolding event. It presents not only the evolution of public policies and institutional reforms regarding urban development over the past decades, but also an up-to-date survey and in-depth analysis of contemporary social-economic forces that define and contribute to the process of urbanization. Individuals interested in understanding China's urban development will find this book useful, informative, and fascinating.

Alongside China's vast material development, there came a change of its mental habits, largely affected by the technological revolution in the means of mass communication. This book shows how such a change has brought — and yet been brought by — a new form of pictorial thought, essentially sensuous and imagery, which is suggesting a possible future for the world. Today's China is different from what it used to be; the Maoist years appear, even to the official mind, an absurdity; and this difference is evident in the replacement of the Maoist mass-politics by what should be called "Moral politics", which is petty and personal. It is the moralizing practice that characterizes today's China, when the birth of so-called "ordinary people", taken as a collection of individual authors of their own private lives and personal stories, became an acknowledged social fact, proliferating in all kinds of mass media. This study traces the birth of "ordinary people" to the beginning of the century, when the reformation of the political in terms of personal dilemmas or moral groans began. From the beginning of this century, the moral content of Chinese politics is more and more fulfilled by such as problems of marriage or sexual affairs. In other words, this is participant observation of an affective change in the Chinese mind, where and when sociology became photographic, i.e. the photographer a natural sociologist, and the mold of Facebook or Wechat communication has reshaped the ideographic tradition of its writing system. This is yet another "Cultural Revolution" on the ruins of the Maoist revolution.

This book focuses on a region that, next to the Middle East, has become a dragnet of international conflicts in the world. The South China Sea (SCS) region, furthermore, is the subject over which a rumored war may break out between the United States, the extant superpower, and China, an emergent superpower — should the current power transition end up in a Thucydides Trap. The volatility of the situation has gone beyond the long simmering tensions due to overlapping claims by six contending Asian neighbors, to culminate in a nascent crisis surrounding the US-China contest.The book's broad sweep provides a careful examination of two tangles: (i) a legal tangle bedeviling China's relations with other competing claimant nations, and (ii) a geopolitical tangle at the heart of the US-China contest, arising from America's instinctual response to the China-threat scare trumpeted by neorealist analysts and media gurus as well. The book reviews what general international law has to say on "historic waters", which is the basis of China's claim, in its disputes with its contending neighbors. It also examines the background of the China-threat scare, to see if it has any merit, in light of both the shifts in the running China debate and the evidence of China's might and intentions.The book's final part explores a possible way out of the two tangles, in the interest of arriving at a reconciliation of the tensions and conflicts associated with the SCS, so that the United States and China can meet each other across the divide for the sake of a new era of public order, presumably under a condominium they can build together.