Todd A. Eisenstadt – författare

Designed for undergraduate courses that cover climate change politics within environmental studies, politics, and international relations courses, Climate Change, Science, and The Politics of Shared Sacrifice integrates science and policy within each chapter by considering technical issues as well as their political implications. It reflects the recent changes in US climate policy under President Biden, as well as by other international actors, and covers recent technological advances, including carbon capture, storage and solar energy efficiency. This text presents the questions students need to address in an interdisciplinary approach to perhaps the most encompassing and "wicked" threat to our well-being in the 21st Century. It addresses the impacts of climate change, the history of international negotiations leading to the Paris Agreement and its possible "ambition gap," approaches to decarbonization by nations and economic sectors, and efforts to construct post-fossil fuel energy systems. It also considers implications of recent technological advancements in energy and its distribution, the debate about the "social cost of carbon," the economic costs of adapting to climate change, and the proper roles of individuals versus governments, corporations, and environmental groups. More than a dozen applied exercises and case studies at the conclusion of each chapter further illustrate the timeliness of the subject matter and give students "hands on" experience with role-playing exercises as United Nations negotiators, or Peruvian peasants suing a German utility company, to give a few examples. The text addresses the "collective action problem" early in the text, discussing the strength of the scientific evidence, the failure to come to terms with related social and political problems, and the scope of the problem and why so little has been done. At a theoretical level, the text addresses the discord between theories of collective action and interest groups for explaining inaction on climate policy. The text also considers the increasingly prevalent view of climate change as a security threat affecting some groups and countries more than others; it considers the need of some countries to adapt as well as addressing the more traditional approach of mitigating climate change. The second part of the book discusses that while there is no single magical solution, there are many partial solutions which could contain global climate change within prescribed limits. We also discuss forms of solving the political, social, and economic problems stemming from climate change, but note that different solutions produce different "winners" and "losers." Changes to how we produce and consume energy will be driven by market forces, thoughtful policy, and by steady efforts to inform the public.The instructor resources site includes access to chapter graphics, class PowerPoints, and case study sample solutions.

In 2009, Ecuador became the first nation ever to enshrine rights for nature in its constitution. Nature was accorded inalienable rights, and every citizen was granted standing to defend those rights. At the same time, the government advanced a policy of "extractive populism," buying public support for mineral mining by promising that funds from the mining would be used to increase public services.This book, based on a nationwide survey and interviews about environmental attitudes among citizens as well as indigenous, environmental, government, academic, and civil society leaders in Ecuador, offers a theory about when and why individuals will speak for nature, particularly when economic interests are at stake. Parting from conventional social science arguments that political attitudes are determined by ethnicity or social class, the authors argue that environmental dispositions in developing countries are shaped by personal experiences of vulnerability to environmental degradation. Abstract appeals to identity politics, on the other hand, are less effective. Ultimately, this book argues that indigenous groups should be the stewards of nature, but that they must do so by appealing to the concrete, everyday vulnerabilities they face, rather than by turning to the more abstract appeals of ethnic-based movements.

In 2009, Ecuador became the first nation ever to enshrine rights for nature in its constitution. Nature was accorded inalienable rights, and every citizen was granted standing to defend those rights. At the same time, the government advanced a policy of "extractive populism," buying public support for mineral mining by promising that funds from the mining would be used to increase public services.This book, based on a nationwide survey and interviews about environmental attitudes among citizens as well as indigenous, environmental, government, academic, and civil society leaders in Ecuador, offers a theory about when and why individuals will speak for nature, particularly when economic interests are at stake. Parting from conventional social science arguments that political attitudes are determined by ethnicity or social class, the authors argue that environmental dispositions in developing countries are shaped by personal experiences of vulnerability to environmental degradation. Abstract appeals to identity politics, on the other hand, are less effective. Ultimately, this book argues that indigenous groups should be the stewards of nature, but that they must do so by appealing to the concrete, everyday vulnerabilities they face, rather than by turning to the more abstract appeals of ethnic-based movements.

In 2009, Ecuador became the first nation ever to enshrine rights for nature in its constitution. Nature was accorded inalienable rights, and every citizen was granted standing to defend those rights. At the same time, the government advanced a policy of "extractive populism," buying public support for mineral mining by promising that funds from the mining would be used to increase public services.This book, based on a nationwide survey and interviews about environmental attitudes among citizens as well as indigenous, environmental, government, academic, and civil society leaders in Ecuador, offers a theory about when and why individuals will speak for nature, particularly when economic interests are at stake. Parting from conventional social science arguments that political attitudes are determined by ethnicity or social class, the authors argue that environmental dispositions in developing countries are shaped by personal experiences of vulnerability to environmental degradation. Abstract appeals to identity politics, on the other hand, are less effective. Ultimately, this book argues that indigenous groups should be the stewards of nature, but that they must do so by appealing to the concrete, everyday vulnerabilities they face, rather than by turning to the more abstract appeals of ethnic-based movements.

Bringing together the expertise of dozens of Latin American scholars, Latin America''s Multicultural Movements examines multicultural rights recognition in theory and in practice. The authors move beyond abstract debates common in the literature on multiculturalism to examine indigenous rights recognition in different real-world settings, comparing cases in unitary states (Bolivia, Ecuador) with subnational autonomy regimes in Mexico''s federal states (Chiapas, Oaxaca, and Yucat?n).

Throughout the Americas, indigenous people have been arguing that they should be entitled, as "first peoples, " to representation in local, national, and international fora in a capacity different from that of other civil society groups. Latin America's Multicultural Movements is a collection of empirically-based chapters that advance debates concerning multiculturalism and indigenous and minority group rights in Latin America by looking at the struggle between communitarianism, autonomy, and human rights. Rather than advancing a particular argument for or against multiculturalism, the book includes contributions from top Latin American scholars with a range of ideological positions to provide a comparative set of perspectives on the issue. While the book addresses highly polemical debates, it does so in a way that moves beyond the ideological clashes that characterize most of the literature and invites readers to explore how multicultural reforms affect people in their everyday lives, as well as in political parties, elected offices, and interest groups. The chapters, which include case studies from Mexico, Bolivia and Ecuador, look at the controversial role of the state regarding multicultural rights and discuss whether the state enables or hinders the advancement of multicultural rights.

Bringing together the expertise of dozens of Latin American scholars, Latin America''s Multicultural Movements examines multicultural rights recognition in theory and in practice. The authors move beyond abstract debates common in the literature on multiculturalism to examine indigenous rights recognition in different real-world settings, comparing cases in unitary states (Bolivia, Ecuador) with subnational autonomy regimes in Mexico''s federal states (Chiapas, Oaxaca, and Yucat?n).

Throughout the Americas, indigenous people have been arguing that they should be entitled, as "first peoples," to representation in local, national, and international fora in a capacity different from that of other civil society groups. Latin America's Multicultural Movements is a collection of empirically-based chapters that advance debates concerning multiculturalism and indigenous and minority group rights in Latin America by looking at the struggle between communitarianism, autonomy, and human rights. Rather than advancing a particular argument for or against multiculturalism, the book includes contributions from top Latin American scholars with a range of ideological positions to provide a comparative set of perspectives on the issue. While the book addresses highly polemical debates, it does so in a way that moves beyond the ideological clashes that characterize most of the literature and invites readers to explore how multicultural reforms affect people in their everyday lives, as well as in political parties, elected offices, and interest groups. The chapters, which include case studies from Mexico, Bolivia and Ecuador, look at the controversial role of the state regarding multicultural rights and discuss whether the state enables or hinders the advancement of multicultural rights.

This book documents Mexico's gradual transition to democracy, written from a perspective which pits opposition activists' post-electoral conflicts against their usage of regime-constructed electoral courts at the centre of the democratization process. It addresses the puzzle of why, during key moments of Mexico's 27-year democratic transition, opposition parties failed to use autonomous electoral courts established to mitigate the country's often violent post-electoral disputes, despite formal guarantees of court independence from the Party of the Institutional Revolution (PRI), Mexico's ruling party for 71 years (preceeding the watershed 2000 presidential elections). Drawing on hundreds of author interviews throughout Mexico over a three-year period and extensive archival research, the author explores choices by the rightist National Action Party (PAN) and the leftist Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) between post-electoral conflict resolution via electoral courts and via traditional routes - mobilization and bargaining with the PRI-state.

This book documents Mexico's gradual transition to democracy, written from a perspective which pits opposition activists' post-electoral conflicts against their usage of regime-constructed electoral courts at the centre of the democratization process. It addresses the puzzle of why, during key moments of Mexico's 27-year democratic transition, opposition parties failed to use autonomous electoral courts established to mitigate the country's often violent post-electoral disputes, despite formal guarantees of court independence from the Party of the Institutional Revolution (PRI), Mexico's ruling party for 71 years (preceeding the watershed 2000 presidential elections). Drawing on hundreds of author interviews throughout Mexico over a three-year period and extensive archival research, the author explores choices by the rightist National Action Party (PAN) and the leftist Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) between post-electoral conflict resolution via electoral courts and via traditional routes - mobilization and bargaining with the PRI-state.

Drawing on an original survey of more than 5,000 respondents, this book argues that, contrary to claims by the 1994 Zapatista insurgency, indigenous and non-indigenous respondents in southern Mexico have been united by socioeconomic conditions and land tenure institutions as well as by ethnic identity. It concludes that - contrary to many analyses of Chiapas's 1994 indigenous rebellion - external influences can trump ideology in framing social movements. Rural Chiapas's prevalent communitarian attitudes resulted partly from external land tenure institutions, rather than from indigenous identities alone. The book further points to recent indigenous rights movements in neighboring Oaxaca, Mexico, as examples of bottom-up multicultural institutions that might be emulated in Mexico and elsewhere in Latin America.

Under what circumstances do new constitutions improve a nation's level of democracy? Between 1974 and 2014, democracy increased in seventy-seven countries following the adoption of a new constitution, but it decreased or stayed the same in forty-seven others. This book demonstrates that increased participation in the forming of constitutions positively impacts levels of democracy. It is discovered that the degree of citizen participation at the 'convening stage' of constitution-making has a strong effect on levels of democracy. This finding defies the common theory that levels of democracy result from the content of constitutions, and instead lends support to 'deliberative' theories of democracy. Patterns of constitutions are then compared, differentiating imposed and popular constitution-making processes, using case studies from Chile, Nigeria, Gambia, and Venezuela to illustrate the dynamics specific to imposed constitution-making, and case studies from Colombia, Ecuador, Egypt, and Tunisia to illustrate the specific dynamics of popular constitution-making.

Drawing on an original survey of more than 5,000 respondents, this book argues that, contrary to claims by the 1994 Zapatista insurgency, indigenous and non-indigenous respondents in southern Mexico have been united by socioeconomic conditions and land tenure institutions as well as by ethnic identity. It concludes that - contrary to many analyses of Chiapas's 1994 indigenous rebellion - external influences can trump ideology in framing social movements. Rural Chiapas's prevalent communitarian attitudes resulted partly from external land tenure institutions, rather than from indigenous identities alone. The book further points to recent indigenous rights movements in neighboring Oaxaca, Mexico, as examples of bottom-up multicultural institutions that might be emulated in Mexico and elsewhere in Latin America.

Under what circumstances do new constitutions improve a nation's level of democracy? Between 1974 and 2014, democracy increased in seventy-seven countries following the adoption of a new constitution, but it decreased or stayed the same in forty-seven others. This book demonstrates that increased participation in the forming of constitutions positively impacts levels of democracy. It is discovered that the degree of citizen participation at the 'convening stage' of constitution-making has a strong effect on levels of democracy. This finding defies the common theory that levels of democracy result from the content of constitutions, and instead lends support to 'deliberative' theories of democracy. Patterns of constitutions are then compared, differentiating imposed and popular constitution-making processes, using case studies from Chile, Nigeria, Gambia, and Venezuela to illustrate the dynamics specific to imposed constitution-making, and case studies from Colombia, Ecuador, Egypt, and Tunisia to illustrate the specific dynamics of popular constitution-making.

The Elgar Encyclopedia of Climate Policy provides a comprehensive and compelling account of the causes and potential solutions to one of the most pressing global challenges of the 21st century: climate change. With deep intellectual rigour, this Encyclopedia adeptly surveys the nature and application of various international climate change policies.Expertly analysing central topics such as carbon budgets and pricing, net-zero carbon, loss and damage, international trade policy, and digital climate solutions, contributors explore diverse policy approaches, policies, and technologies using case studies at both national and sub-national levels. Key concepts featured in climate debates, the roles of actors and institutions in problem-solving, the technology and policy solutions that are being used or should be considered, and the applications of proposed policies are all examined in an authoritative and pragmatic manner.This innovative Encyclopedia is an essential read for academics and students interested in politics and public policy, environmental studies, the sustainable development goals, law, and regulation and governance.Key Features:Accessible explanations of key concepts and debatesIn-depth coverage of case studies from across the globeOver 90 entries from international and interdisciplinary contributorsClearly organised into six thematic sections addressing theories and methods, evidence and impacts, concepts, actors, institutions and agreements, solutions, and case studies

The Elgar Encyclopedia of Climate Policy provides a comprehensive and compelling account of the causes and potential solutions to one of the most pressing global challenges of the 21st century: climate change. With deep intellectual rigour, this Encyclopedia adeptly surveys the nature and application of various international climate change policies.

Expertly analysing central topics such as carbon budgets and pricing, net-zero carbon, loss and damage, international trade policy, and digital climate solutions, contributors explore diverse policy approaches, policies, and technologies using case studies at both national and sub-national levels. Key concepts featured in climate debates, the roles of actors and institutions in problem-solving, the technology and policy solutions that are being used or should be considered, and the applications of proposed policies are all examined in an authoritative and pragmatic manner.

This innovative Encyclopedia is an essential read for academics and students interested in politics and public policy, environmental studies, the sustainable development goals, law, and regulation and governance.

Key Features:

Accessible explanations of key concepts and debatesIn-depth coverage of case studies from across the globeOver 90 entries from international and interdisciplinary contributorsClearly organised into six thematic sections addressing theories and methods, evidence and impacts, concepts, actors, institutions and agreements, solutions, and case studies