Vinod K. Aggarwal – författare

The Oxford Handbook of Geoeconomics and Economic Statecraft is a comprehensive, critical, and contemporary exploration of issues at the intersection of political economy and security studies. Long considered separate branches of political science, economics and security have become increasingly intertwined. The volume examines the state of the field, where it has been in the recent past, and where it is likely to go in future. Contributors examine conceptual edges of geoeconomics and economic statecraft as well as its core, the globalizing context of the field, and the challenges posed by social, economic, and technological changes.The twenty-eight chapters in the volume are divided into six parts. After the introduction to the volume, section 2 considers past and present thinking about the field. Section 3 explores the methods used in geoeconomics and economic statecraft. Section 4 looks at key issues. Section 5 covers the intersection of national security and geoeconomics, and the last section looks at regional perspectives in the field. Geoeconomics and economic statecraft are issues of contemporary concern and on the front pages of newspapers on an almost daily basis. This book provides the intellectual context and insights to understand the challenges and prospects that the world faces currently and over the long-term, making it a useful resource for academics, practitioners, business executives, journalists, and students.

In this volume covering the long sweep of US industrial policy, Marco R. Di Tommaso and Vinod K. Aggarwal contextualize the current moment of industrial policy and its possible consequences. In an era marked by international tension and global challenges, governments have responded by increasing their focus on industrial policy to enhance certain economic sectors. The United States is often seen to be a free-market economy lacking significant government intervention. However, the use of industrial policy in the United States is far from new. The American government has long played an essential role in industrialization from Hamilton's plan for manufacturing to Biden's turn to industrial policy in green industries and semiconductors and to Trump's tariff policies.In Governing Growth, Marco R. Di Tommaso and Vinod K. Aggarwal chart this history of American industrial policy spanning from the Founding Fathers to Donald Trump's current presidency. They explore the "pre-history" of American industrial policy, tracking how the government balanced industry and societal needs up until the crisis of the 1970s. Pointing to the parallels between Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, Di Tommaso and Aggarwal identify the pivot to neoliberalism in the 1980s. Even in this climate, they point out that there remained a significant gap between rhetoric promoting free trade and protectionist policies. Finally, they compare the recent presidencies of Obama, Biden, and Trump, exploring how the vastly different backgrounds, approaches, and ideologies of these politicians affected US industrial policy. Di Tommaso and Aggarwal speak to the importance of understanding burgeoning industrial policy around the world through a historical lens, and ultimately the book also offers context to Trump's unique approach to trade protection and industrial policy and the likely consequences.

In this volume covering the long sweep of US industrial policy, Marco R. Di Tommaso and Vinod K. Aggarwal contextualize the current moment of industrial policy and its possible consequences. In an era marked by international tension and global challenges, governments have responded by increasing their focus on industrial policy to enhance certain economic sectors. The United States is often seen to be a free-market economy lacking significant government intervention. However, the use of industrial policy in the United States is far from new. The American government has long played an essential role in industrialization from Hamilton's plan for manufacturing to Biden's turn to industrial policy in green industries and semiconductors and to Trump's tariff policies.In Governing Growth, Marco R. Di Tommaso and Vinod K. Aggarwal chart this history of American industrial policy spanning from the Founding Fathers to Donald Trump's current presidency. They explore the "pre-history" of American industrial policy, tracking how the government balanced industry and societal needs up until the crisis of the 1970s. Pointing to the parallels between Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, Di Tommaso and Aggarwal identify the pivot to neoliberalism in the 1980s. Even in this climate, they point out that there remained a significant gap between rhetoric promoting free trade and protectionist policies. Finally, they compare the recent presidencies of Obama, Biden, and Trump, exploring how the vastly different backgrounds, approaches, and ideologies of these politicians affected US industrial policy. Di Tommaso and Aggarwal speak to the importance of understanding burgeoning industrial policy around the world through a historical lens, and ultimately the book also offers context to Trump's unique approach to trade protection and industrial policy and the likely consequences.

It focuses on the likelihood for APEC to become smoothly 'nested' within the World Trade Organization and considers how subregional groupings in the Asia-Pacific might in turn become nested within APEC.

Despite the regional currency crisis of 1997-1998, Asia Pacific economies continue to be among the most attractive markets in the world. Although Japanese and American firms have invested heavily in the past decades, European firms are poised to take advantage of the post Asian recovery, phenomenal Chinese growth rates, and deepening economic liberalization. This volume focuses on understanding the market and nonmarket strategies employed by European firms to boost their share of the Asian market and to rally European governments and the European Union in support of their initiatives. In addition to a novel theoretical framework to analyze strategy, three chapters focus on investment trends in Asia, lobbying in Asia and the EU. The book includes original case studies of the air transport, automobile, software, and finance sectors.

What does organized trade portend for the future of the post–World War II trading order? Are we seeing a transition from liberalism to protectionism? These questions are central to Vinod K. Aggarwal's penetrating analysis of conflict and cooperation in trade among developed and less developed countries. In his examination of the evolution of organized trade, Aggarwal specifically analyses international regimes in textile and apparel trade. The author uses an original theoretical approach to investigate international regimes. Why are regimes desirable? Aggarwal shows how such accords can protect broader arrangements, allow countries to control one another's behavior, and minimize information and organization costs in negotiations. Several factors account for the form of regimes. The strength of regimes is enhanced by an asymmetry of international power. A hegemon is more willing and able to maintain a regime. Both the nature and scope of regimes are determined by the relative degree of trade competition and cognitive consensus among actors. As trade competition increases, and actors decide to link related issues, regimes become more protectionist in their goals and wider in their coverage. Aggarwal's theory successfully accounts for the transformation of international regimes in textile trade, demonstrating the importance of systematically incorporating international level factors into our theories. His empirical work is based on extensive archival research and interviews with key negotiators. Aggarwal concludes that the pattern of international cooperation which evolved in textile trade provides a portrait of the future for trade in other industrial sectors. He finds the trend of arrangements in textile trade disturbing and argues that organized trade will not prevent—and may in fact promote a slide from liberalism to protectionism. Regimes originally developed to counter protectionism may evolve into systems of organized protection that encourage neither efficiency nor equity. A lucid analysis of recent historical developments in textile trade, this study sheds light on the movement toward increasing protection in other sectors of trade as well. It is a significant work that will prove valuable to those who study international trade and regimes.This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press’s mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1986.

What does organized trade portend for the future of the post–World War II trading order? Are we seeing a transition from liberalism to protectionism? These questions are central to Vinod K. Aggarwal's penetrating analysis of conflict and cooperation in trade among developed and less developed countries. In his examination of the evolution of organized trade, Aggarwal specifically analyses international regimes in textile and apparel trade. The author uses an original theoretical approach to investigate international regimes. Why are regimes desirable? Aggarwal shows how such accords can protect broader arrangements, allow countries to control one another's behavior, and minimize information and organization costs in negotiations. Several factors account for the form of regimes. The strength of regimes is enhanced by an asymmetry of international power. A hegemon is more willing and able to maintain a regime. Both the nature and scope of regimes are determined by the relative degree of trade competition and cognitive consensus among actors. As trade competition increases, and actors decide to link related issues, regimes become more protectionist in their goals and wider in their coverage. Aggarwal's theory successfully accounts for the transformation of international regimes in textile trade, demonstrating the importance of systematically incorporating international level factors into our theories. His empirical work is based on extensive archival research and interviews with key negotiators. Aggarwal concludes that the pattern of international cooperation which evolved in textile trade provides a portrait of the future for trade in other industrial sectors. He finds the trend of arrangements in textile trade disturbing and argues that organized trade will not prevent—and may in fact promote a slide from liberalism to protectionism. Regimes originally developed to counter protectionism may evolve into systems of organized protection that encourage neither efficiency nor equity. A lucid analysis of recent historical developments in textile trade, this study sheds light on the movement toward increasing protection in other sectors of trade as well. It is a significant work that will prove valuable to those who study international trade and regimes.This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press’s mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1986.

International debt rescheduling, both in earlier epochs and our present one, has been marked by a flurry of bargaining. In this process, significant variation has emerged over time and across cases in the extent to which debtors have undertaken economic adjustment, banks or bondholders have written down debts, and creditor governments and international organizations have intervened in negotiations. Debt Games develops and applies a situational theory of bargaining to analyze the adjustment undertaken by debtors and the concessions provided by lenders in international debt rescheduling. This approach has two components: a focus on each actor's individual situation, defined by its political and economic bargaining resources, and a complementary focus on changes in their position. The model proves successful in accounting for bargaining outcomes in eighty-four percent of the sixty-one cases, which include all instances of Peruvian and Mexican debt rescheduling over the last one hundred and seventy years as well as Argentine and Brazilian rescheduling between 1982 and 1994.

International debt rescheduling, both in earlier epochs and our present one, has been marked by a flurry of bargaining. In this process, significant variation has emerged over time and across cases in the extent to which debtors have undertaken economic adjustment, banks or bondholders have written down debts, and creditor governments and international organizations have intervened in negotiations. Debt Games develops and applies a situational theory of bargaining to analyze the adjustment undertaken by debtors and the concessions provided by lenders in international debt rescheduling. This approach has two components: a focus on each actor's individual situation, defined by its political and economic bargaining resources, and a complementary focus on changes in their position. The model proves successful in accounting for bargaining outcomes in eighty-four percent of the sixty-one cases, which include all instances of Peruvian and Mexican debt rescheduling over the last one hundred and seventy years as well as Argentine and Brazilian rescheduling between 1982 and 1994.

Can regional mechanisms better institutionalize the increasing complexity of economic and security ties among the countries in Northeast Asia?

In this volume, a set of issue and country experts tackle the questions surrounding the challenges of a resurgent Russia for the world order as well as for relations between the European Union and the United States.  Following a brief introduction laying out the circumstances of Russia’s rise, the book proceeds in three sections. In the first, Russian scholars tackle the topic of how a newly resurgent Russia sees the world. The second section examines Russia’s role in the contemporary global political economy in terms of trade and financial flows and nuclear energy. The third section looks at American and European responses to Russia, and the conclusion draws together the findings from each of the chapters and presents some broad propositions regarding Russia’s rise and the challenges that it presents for the US, EU and the international order in the years to come.  The implications of this collection are very broad and far-reaching, with ramifications for each of the players involved as well as for the development and refinement of general international relations theories concerning global conflict and cooperation, making the book relevant for both policy-makers and scholars of international relations, Russian studies, and international political economy.

East Asian countries are now pursuing greater formal economic institutionalization, weaving a web of bilateral and minilateral preferential trade agreements. Scholarly analysis of “formal” East Asian regionalism focuses on international political and economic factors such as the end of the Cold War, the Asian financial crisis, or the rising Sino-Japanese rivalry. Yet this work pays inadequate attention to the strategies of individual government agencies, business groups, labor unions, and NGOs across the region. Moreover, most studies also fail to adequately characterize different types of trade arrangements, often lumping together bilateral accords with minilateral ones, and transregional agreements with those within the region. To fully understand this cross-national variance, this book argues that researchers must give greater attention to the domestic politics within East Asian countries and the U.S., involving the interplay of these subnational players. With contributions from leading country and regional trade specialists, this book examines East Asian and American trade strategies through the lens of a domestic bargaining game approach with a focus on the interplay of interests, ideas, and domestic institutions within the context of broader international shifts. With respect to domestic politics, the chapters show how subnational actors engage in lobbying, both of their own governments and through their links to others in the region. They also trace the evolution of interests and ideas over time, helping us to generate a better understanding of historical trends in the region. In addition to scholars of East Asian and comparative regionalism, this book will be of interest to policy-makers concerned with international trade and U.S.-Asia relations, and those interested in understanding the rich trade institutional landscape that we see emerging in the Asia-Pacific.

East Asian countries are now pursuing greater formal economic institutionalization, weaving a web of bilateral and minilateral preferential trade agreements. Scholarly analysis of “formal” East Asian regionalism focuses on international political and economic factors such as the end of the Cold War, the Asian financial crisis, or the rising Sino-Japanese rivalry. Yet this work pays inadequate attention to the strategies of individual government agencies, business groups, labor unions, and NGOs across the region. Moreover, most studies also fail to adequately characterize different types of trade arrangements, often lumping together bilateral accords with minilateral ones, and transregional agreements with those within the region. To fully understand this cross-national variance, this book argues that researchers must give greater attention to the domestic politics within East Asian countries and the U.S., involving the interplay of these subnational players. With contributions from leading country and regional trade specialists, this book examines East Asian and American trade strategies through the lens of a domestic bargaining game approach with a focus on the interplay of interests, ideas, and domestic institutions within the context of broader international shifts. With respect to domestic politics, the chapters show how subnational actors engage in lobbying, both of their own governments and through their links to others in the region. They also trace the evolution of interests and ideas over time, helping us to generate a better understanding of historical trends in the region. In addition to scholars of East Asian and comparative regionalism, this book will be of interest to policy-makers concerned with international trade and U.S.-Asia relations, and those interested in understanding the rich trade institutional landscape that we see emerging in the Asia-Pacific.

​The connections between trade and security are hardly new. Analysts and practitioners have clearly recognized this interrelationship since the mercantilist arguments of the 16th and 17th centuries. Despite wishful economic liberal thinking that might prefer to separate the political from the economic, it is widely recognized that trade and security are fundamentally interconnected in the foreign policy of states. Over time, as new forms of trade policy have come into being and the international security environment has evolved, the nexus of these two spheres has grown more complex and scholars have struggled to understand their interconnection This edited volume addresses linkages between trade and security by examining the influence of security factors in driving trade policy measures and the corresponding implications of different types of trade arrangements for international security. Ultimately, the project shows that several elements—traditional economic factors, traditional security factors, and human security factors—can affect the development of trade agreements and unilateral policies, and that trade policies may have both a direct and an indirect effect on traditional and human security. The project focuses on Asia, a region where economics is increasingly important but many security issues still linger unresolved, as a primary setting to test trade linkage theories. It also provides a comparative perspective through examination of how the EU and US have used their trade policies to achieve non-economic goals and how these policies have influenced their security environment. Case studies in this project cover key trade institutions and agreements including the World Trade Organization, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, ASEAN Plus Three, the East Asia Summit, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and bilateral preferential trade agreements.

This volume addresses the link between trade and security by examining the influence of security factors in driving trade policy measures and the corresponding implications of different types of trade arrangements for international security.

In this volume, a set of issue and country experts tackle the questions surrounding the challenges of a resurgent Russia for the world order as well as for relations between the European Union and the United States.  Following a brief introduction laying out the circumstances of Russia’s rise, the book proceeds in three sections. In the first, Russian scholars tackle the topic of how a newly resurgent Russia sees the world. The second section examines Russia’s role in the contemporary global political economy in terms of trade and financial flows and nuclear energy. The third section looks at American and European responses to Russia, and the conclusion draws together the findings from each of the chapters and presents some broad propositions regarding Russia’s rise and the challenges that it presents for the US, EU and the international order in the years to come.  The implications of this collection are very broad and far-reaching, with ramifications for each of the players involved as well as for the development and refinement of general international relations theories concerning global conflict and cooperation, making the book relevant for both policy-makers and scholars of international relations, Russian studies, and international political economy.

As such, it will be relevant to scholars specializing in Indo-Pacific domestic politics and foreign policy, U.S. foreign policy, middle powers, China-U.S. relations, China-EU relations, Asia-Pacific developments, international security, international political economy, and emerging markets.

As such, it will be relevant to scholars specializing in Indo-Pacific domestic politics and foreign policy, U.S. foreign policy, middle powers, China-U.S. relations, China-EU relations, Asia-Pacific developments, international security, international political economy, and emerging markets.

This book is relevant to both scholars and policymakers concerned with Chinese domestic politics and foreign policy, US foreign policy, EU foreign policy, China-US relations, China-EU relations, international security, international political economy and emerging markets.

This book is relevant to both scholars and policymakers concerned with Chinese domestic politics and foreign policy, US foreign policy, EU foreign policy, China-US relations, China-EU relations, international security, international political economy and emerging markets.

Can regional and interregional mechanisms better institutionalize the - creasing complexity of economic and security ties among states in Nor- east, Southeast, and South Asia? As the international state system und- goes dramatic changes in both security and trade relations in the wake of the Cold War’s end, the Asian financial crisis, and the attacks of Sept- ber 11, 2001, this question is now of critical importance to both academics and policymakers. Still, little research has been done to integrate the ana- sis of both regional security and economic dynamics within a broader c- text that will give us theoretically informed policy insights. Indeed, when we began our background research on the origin and e- lution of Asia’s institutional architecture in trade and security, we found that many scholars had focused on individual subregions, whether Nor- east, Southeast or South Asia. In some cases, scholars examined links - tween Northeast and Southeast Asia, and the literature often refers to these two subregions collectively as “Asia”, artificially bracketing South Asia. Of course, we are aware that as products of culture, economics, history, and politics, the boundaries of geographic regions change over time. Yet the rapid rise of India and its increasing links to East Asia (especially those formed in the early 1990s) suggest that it would be fruitful to examine both developments within each subregion as well as links across subregions.

Can regional and interregional mechanisms better institutionalize the - creasing complexity of economic and security ties among states in Nor- east, Southeast, and South Asia? As the international state system und- goes dramatic changes in both security and trade relations in the wake of the Cold War’s end, the Asian financial crisis, and the attacks of Sept- ber 11, 2001, this question is now of critical importance to both academics and policymakers. Still, little research has been done to integrate the ana- sis of both regional security and economic dynamics within a broader c- text that will give us theoretically informed policy insights. Indeed, when we began our background research on the origin and e- lution of Asia’s institutional architecture in trade and security, we found that many scholars had focused on individual subregions, whether Nor- east, Southeast or South Asia. In some cases, scholars examined links - tween Northeast and Southeast Asia, and the literature often refers to these two subregions collectively as “Asia”, artificially bracketing South Asia. Of course, we are aware that as products of culture, economics, history, and politics, the boundaries of geographic regions change over time. Yet the rapid rise of India and its increasing links to East Asia (especially those formed in the early 1990s) suggest that it would be fruitful to examine both developments within each subregion as well as links across subregions.

Can regional mechanisms better institutionalize the increasing complexity of economic and security ties among the countries in Northeast Asia? As the international state system undergoes dramatic changes in both security and economic relations in the wake of the end of the Cold War, the Asian financial crisis, and the attack of 9/11, this question is now at the forefront of the minds of both academics and policymakers. Still, little research has been done to integrate the analysis of security and economic analysis of changes in the region within a broader context that will give us theoretically-informed policy insights. Against this backdrop, this book investigates the origins and evolution of Northeast Asia's new institutional architecture in trade, finance, and security from both a theoretical and empirical perspective.