Volker Depkat – författare

The idea that America is exceptional, whether because of its founding creed, natural abundance, or Protestant origins, has been the subject of fierce debate going back to the founding. Rather than argue for one side or the other, Volker Depkat explores the diverse ways in which Americans have described their country as exceptional. Describing how narratives of exceptionalism have never been a purely American affair, Depkat shows how, for example, European, African, and Asian immigrants projected their own dreams and nightmares onto the American screen, contributing to the intellectual construction of America. In fact, the different groups living in America have described American exceptionalism in such differing terms that there hardly ever was a shared understanding as to what these exceptional experiences were and how to interpret them. What has unified the disparate exceptionalist narratives, Depkat explains, is their insistence on America's universalist and future-oriented way of life. In engaging and lucid prose, Depkat offers general readers and students of American history an invaluable lens through which they can evaluate for themselves the merits of the many ways in which Americans have understood their country as exceptional.

This book presents case studies that analyse the diplomatic uses and functions of robes, furniture, weapons, tools, jewelry, paintings, sculptures, books, food, and other material objects in early modern inter-cultural diplomatic encounters in Europe, Asia, the Americas, and the Pacific world.Readers will gain insights into the material dimensions of early modern diplomacy and the cultural logics and diplomatic rationales of object use in a wide range of regional, political, and imperial contexts spanning the Habsburg Empire, France, Spain, the Ottoman Empire, British and French colonial North America, colonial Mexico, Hawaii, and the South Seas. Transcending the established topic of gift exchanges, the volume aims at an analysis of the overall material settings of early modern diplomatic encounters. With its clear temporal focus on the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the source-driven case studies on concrete objects and object groups open multiple paths into the complexities of the early modern era as a formative phase in the history of diplomacy.The book is intended for historians of the early modern period, particularly diplomatic history, political history, art history, cultural history, religious history, and regional history. It is also relevant for scholars in the field of material culture studies, ethnography, and museology.

The idea that America is exceptional, whether because of its founding creed, natural abundance, or Protestant origins, has been the subject of fierce debate going back to the founding. Rather than argue for one side or the other, Volker Depkat explores the diverse ways in which Americans have described their country as exceptional. Describing how narratives of exceptionalism have never been a purely American affair, Depkat shows how, for example, European, African, and Asian immigrants projected their own dreams and nightmares onto the American screen, contributing to the intellectual construction of America. In fact, the different groups living in America have described American exceptionalism in such differing terms that there hardly ever was a shared understanding as to what these exceptional experiences were and how to interpret them. What has unified the disparate exceptionalist narratives, Depkat explains, is their insistence on America's universalist and future-oriented way of life. In engaging and lucid prose, Depkat offers general readers and students of American history an invaluable lens through which they can evaluate for themselves the merits of the many ways in which Americans have understood their country as exceptional.

The idea that America is exceptional, whether because of its founding creed, natural abundance, or Protestant origins, has been the subject of fierce debate going back to the founding. Rather than argue for one side or the other, Volker Depkat explores the diverse ways in which Americans have described their country as exceptional. Describing how narratives of exceptionalism have never been a purely American affair, Depkat shows how, for example, European, African, and Asian immigrants projected their own dreams and nightmares onto the American screen, contributing to the intellectual construction of America. In fact, the different groups living in America have described American exceptionalism in such differing terms that there hardly ever was a shared understanding as to what these exceptional experiences were and how to interpret them. What has unified the disparate exceptionalist narratives, Depkat explains, is their insistence on America''s universalist and future-oriented way of life. In engaging and lucid prose, Depkat offers general readers and students of American history an invaluable lens through which they can evaluate for themselves the merits of the many ways in which Americans have understood their country as exceptional.

Das Buch analysiert die Entscheidung deutscher und italienischer Spitzenpolitiker, nach 1945 auf nationale Souveränitätsrechte zu verzichten, um die Integration Europas voranzutreiben, in Abhängigkeit vom erfahrungsgesättigten Epochenbewusstsein der Zeit. Im Zentrum stehen die Um-1880-Geborenen, jene Alterskohorten, die das gesamte „Katastrophenzeitalter“ des 20. Jahrhunderts bewusst erlebten, maßgeblich durch die Faschismuserfahrung in beiden Ländern geprägt waren und nach 1945 den Prozess der europäischen Einigung vorantrieben. Vielfach mit dem Nationalstaat als scheinbar unterhintergehbaren Rahmen politischer Ordnung sozialisiert, waren sie es, die nach 1945 die europäische Integration einleiteten, die den Nationalstaat als Kategorie politischer Ordnung erodieren ließ. Der Band kombiniert biographie- und generationengeschichtliche Längsschnittanalysen mit mentalitätsgeschichtlichen Querschnitten, um das Handeln politischer Akteure aus historischem Bewusstsein in beiden Ländern zu rekonstruieren. Die aus den Erfahrungen des 20. Jahrhunderts resultierenden individuellen und kollektiven Lernprozesse werden dabei ebenso sichtbar wie kultur- und erfahrungsgeschichtliche Konvergenzen und Divergenzen im deutsch-italienischen Verhältnis.

The United States of America are the only remaining superpower in an increasingly confusing world at the start of the twenty-first century. This volume discusses the stages of the country''s rise to the status of world power and analyses the USA''s fascinating and complex history on the basis of several fundamental subjects. The survey starts with the experiment of establishing a democracy, which was initiated through revolution and is unfinished even today. The USA''s development to become a superpower enjoying world hegemony was equally uneven - a rise that has also acquired missionary aspects under the banner of the ''empire of liberty''. Another focus in the account is the way in which new, decidedly American values and a modern, consumption-oriented, technology-saturated lifestyle - the ''American way of life'' - emerged from contact in North America between the widest possible variety of cultures and ethnic groups. This lifestyle by no means levelled out the existing ethnic and cultural pluralism of American society. With topics revolving around politics, society, business and culture, the book reveals the lines of historical development in the USA that have been and continue to be signposts for the modern world.

Der Band beschreibt in einer thesenstarken Grundsatzbetrachtung und in einer Reihe von erläuternden Essays, die mit Belegen und Fallbeispielen arbeiten, den Status des frühneuzeitlichen deutschen Reiches als Referenzsystem für die Föderalismusdebatten in den entstehenden USA.Jürgen Overhoff, Volker Depkat und Johannes Burkhardt analysieren Entwicklungsprozesse im britisch-kolonialen und revolutionären Amerika in ihren imperialen und transatlantischen Kontexten von den Anfängen im 17. Jahrhundert über die Unabhängigkeitserklärung bis zur Ratifizierung der Verfassung der USA im Jahr 1788. Auf diese Weise wird deutlich, dass die revolutionär gegründeten USA nicht ohne Rekurs auf europäische Verfassungsordnungen auskamen. Im Rahmen eines transatlantischen Verfassungsdiskurses, an dem William Penn, Baron de Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Johann Stephan Pütter, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson und James Madison teilnahmen, diente die Organisation des als "confederate republic" begriffenen deutschen Reiches der Klärung eigener Standpunkte.

Politische Umbrüche sind mehr als bloße Systemwechsel; sie bestimmen massiv die Erfahrungen und das Leben der Zeitgenossen und ihre Orientierung in der eigenen (Lebens-)Geschichte. Die Alterskohorten und politischen Generationen des 20. Jahrhunderts erlebten innerhalb ihrer Lebensspanne gleich mehrere Geschichtsbrüche. Volker Depkat erschließt aus den Autobiographien von 14 um 1880 geborenen deutschen Politikerinnen und Politikern des sozialistischen und liberal-demokratischen Spektrums, wie diese angesichts der ganzen Abfolge von militärischen, sozialen und ökonomischen Katastrophen des 20. Jahrhunderts Vorstellungen von Sinn und Kontinuität konstruierten. Behandelte Personen: die Sozialisten Wilhelm Keil, Wilhelm Dittmann, Albert Grzesinski, Otto Buchwitz und Max Seydewitz, die bürgerlichen Politiker Konrad Adenauer, Arnold Brecht, Ferdinand Friedensburg und Hermann Pünder, und die bürgerlichen Politikerinnen Gertrud Bäumer, Marie Baum, Marie-Elisabeth Lüders, Toni Sender und Käte Frankenthal.