Contributions to the Study of Mass Media and Communications – serie

This volume consists of fifteen essays by leading scholars dealing with the Victorian editor and his influence on the culture of his time. The first section analyzes the relationship between Victorian editors and their audience. The essays show how editors effectively balanced fiction and politics, how social change effected periodical publishing, and how editors dealt with Victorian sexual and moral preoccupations. The second section places the editor in the context of his profession. By focusing on specific editors and their journals, the third section sheds additional light on the themes developed in the first two. To complete the book, a bibliographic essay offers new information about the published sources available for further research on the nineteenth-century editor.

The study first addresses the political issues and media theories that culminated in the demand for the NWIO, and the ongoing debate among scholars, policymakers, and diplomats concerning reforms in communications. Through a comparative analysis of Western and Third World media practices, Meyer examines the relationship between the understanding of the term news and two conflicting theories of communication and development. The structuralist theoretical alternative is tested in empirical, quantitative studies on the following topics: imbalances in the structure of international information flows; cultural change in less-developed countries produced by media inputs from the West; and Western news and information flows as factors contributing to political instability and violence in the Third World. Based on an examination of economic, social, and cultural indicators in twenty-four less developed countries, the author critically assesses charges relating to neocolonialist features of news and information management, as well as cultural imperialism and political unrest. The final chapter summarizes these empirical tests as they relate to stuctural communications theory. Bridging the gap between general theories of mass media and empirical examination of media relationships, Meyer's book is a major contribution to our understanding of the global ramifications of the Information Revolution.

The role that the press plays in foreign policy is generally seen as taking one of two forms. It is either cited as an active participant in the policy process or as an instrument to be molded and manipulated by the president and his media managers. This study challenges both of these views and demonstrates that the press is neither a powerful force in foreign policy nor under the control of the government in its reporting of foreign policy. Nicholas Berry concludes that to a far greater extent than with domestic policies, the press is at one with the foreign policy establishment, accepting the government's assumptions and formulations until a policy begins to fail. At this outcome stage, the government tries, unsuccessfully, to manipulate the critical press.The study is based on a content analysis of The New York Times' reporting of foreign policy disasters. Five case studies were chosen for five recent presidents: the Bay of Pigs (Kennedy), Vietnam (Johnson), the Cambodian incursion (Nixon), the Iran hostage crisis (Carter), and the 1982-1984 intervention in Lebanon (Reagan). In each case, The New York Times' articles were examined and analyzed against the administration's foreign policy statements. Berry details the policy orientation of each administration, describes the Times' coverage, and draws conclusions in all five cases. In a final chapter he discusses the implications of his findings and addresses such issues as the difference between domestic and foreign policy reporting and the notion that foreign-based correspondents are more critical of foreign policy than are U.S.-based reporters. Two appendices and a bibliography are also included. This important study will be a valuable resource for courses in journalism, behavioral studies on the media, and American foreign policy, and a significant addition to public, college, and university libraries.

Richard Leeman analyzes the possible discursive responses to terrorism, prescribing democratic rhetoric as the most strategic counterterrorist response available. He examines counterterrorism as a response to terrorism, considering each side as one-half of a dialogue. Given the inherently anti-democratic nature of terroristic discourse, he hypothesizes that the best discursive strategy is to shift the dialogue to different grounds, i.e., to use democratic rhetoric.As a test of his hypothesis, the author considers the responses of the Reagan and Nixon administrations to acts of terrorism. The Reagan administration's response to international terrorism provides an example of wholly non-democratic counterterrorist discourse. Leeman's case study suggests that this was a failed rhetoric. The Nixon administration, on the other hand, used a mixed democratic and non-democratic terrorist rhetoric in response to terrorism. Leeman argues that the non-democratic elements of the discourse subverted the democratic elements, thus leading to an ineffective use of discourse for the purpose of counterterrorism. Leeman thus concludes that a wholly democratic rhetoric is the best discourse available for the counterterrorist speaker or writer. This is the first book to specifically address the rhetoric of terrorism and counterterrorism, and prescriptively suggests how America can address the problem of terrorism through discourse. This unique book will be provocative reading to those in the fields of speech communication, political science, history, sociology, and the mass media.

This book is a critical examination of how newspaper and television journalists reported three catastrophes. The focus is on the processes by which journalists identified news sources and gathered data, on the professional values of the journalists and on the ways that those values contributed to or interfered with good reporting. The book is based on examination of several thousand newspaper and television stories, on surveys of more than 600 journalists and their sources, on evaluations of news accounts by independent experts, on personal visits to the sites of the catastrophes, and on interviews with more than 100 reporters, correspondents, producers, editors, and their sources.The scholarly goal of the book is to provide a theoretical understanding of the process by which reporters gather information for these kinds of stories and thus to identify changes in the journalistic routine that might encourage more accurate and comprehensive coverage of public issues. He shows how television reports sometimes influence the ways print reporters structure their stories, an effect he calls journalistic priming. He examines the ways in which Pulitzer Prize-winning stories are different from others, and attempts to integrate reporters' and sources' comments with the theoretical literature. This is the first book-length effort that uses a single research design to compare how both print and television journalists covered several major events, and to examine the interrelationship between the television and newspaper reporting. Other scholars often ignore one or the other, as though the two media operated independently.

This is the first book on U.S. policy in Angola during the 1980s. Elaine Windrich shows how the Reagan administration and U.S. media inflated the importance of Jonas Savimbi and helped inflame the civil war in Angola. Pinpointing media strengths and weaknesses in shaping and in reporting on a major crisis in Africa, this ground-breaking work analyzes Savimbi as a cold war guerrilla, the role of different media segments in the dirty war in Angola, and the right-wing influence of the Reagan and Bush administrations into the 1990s. This moving and well-researched account, providing insights into how the U.S. media covers African and Third World issues, is a good text for foreign correspondents and for courses dealing with U.S. foreign policy, journalism and communications, and with Africa.The image of the Angolan rebel leader as a freedom fighter is shown to be a product largely of the U.S. media and the collaboration of right-wing lobby groups closely linked to the Reagan and Bush administrations. The resurrection of Savimbi, who represented a lost cause after his defeat in the Angolan civil war in 1976, but who was kept alive by South African support, was due to his adoption by the Reagan administration as an ally in the crusade against Third World governments supported by the Soviet Union. The study shows how the mainstream media tended to follow the administration's agenda and right-wing views in portraying Savimbi as an ally. Windrich also explains how the Bush administration and the media have continued to support Savimbi and his rebel movement.

The video revolution in the 1980s affected all areas of the American entertainment industry; its impact was most dramatic--ultimately devastating--to the non-theatrical film field. Non-theatrical film is the term used to describe motion pictures which are not shown in movie theaters, but are produced and/or distributed to markets that include the educational community, home, and business and industry. The author covers the early Hollywood-produced features and short subjects in a format other than 35mm for homes, hospitals and correctional institutions, as well as industrial films. This is also the history of two major non-theatrical libraries, Bell and Howell and Kodascope, both of which were founded to service the needs of purchasers of the then-newly introduced 16mm projectors.The book documents how the advent of the 16mm projector made possible the introduction of audio-visual aids in classrooms and offices. A number of production companies were established, primarily in Chicago, to produce films for this new outlet. In addition, Hollywood saw a new market and began licensing distribution of the films. Complete with appendices providing distributors from the 1920s-1940s and current names and addresses of non-theatrical film sources, this book-length study of the history of this film genre is both important and much needed.

This first cross-national book-length study of street art as political protest and communication focuses on art forms traditionally used by collectives and state interests in the Hispanic world--posters, wallpaintings, graffiti, murals, shirts, buttons, and stickers, for example. Professor Chaffee examines the motives behind the use of street art as propaganda and seeks to explain how it is effective. Using field research and a sociopolitical approach, he assesses contemporary street art in Spain, the Basque country, Argentina, and Brazil. He shows how street art is a barometer of popular conflicts and sentiments across the political spectrum. This comparative analysis is intended for students, teachers, and professionals in the fields of communication, political science, history, and popular culture.

From the Pueblo land protests of the 1920s to the sports teams' mascot controversies of the 1990s, this book chronicles the depictions of Native Americans in the press. Weston shows how some images of Indians that date from the time of Columbus have persisted into the present, and she asks whether journalistic practices have helped or hindered accurate portrayals of Native Americans. Few books of this kind have given attention to both local and national press, or have dealt so extensively with the 20th century. Weston has incorporated a wealth of well-chosen examples, presenting an accessible account of this fascinating subject.

In the past 65 years, the United States Supreme Court has outlined, through its decisions, its conceptions of the roles and responsibilities of the U.S. media. Analyzing every Supreme Court media case from 1931 to 1996, this book explores the changes in how the Court has conceived of the media's freedom. Hindman focuses on the educational and political functions of the media, the ethical principles of truth telling, and the conflict between collectivist and individualist interpretations of the First Amendment. The author challenges accepted views in the field, arguing that despite the justices' rhetoric, the Court has treated media freedom as a social goal rather than a right.

Perhaps no drama catches the interest of the American public more than a spectacular trial. Even though the reporting of a crime may quickly diminish in news value, the trial lingers while drama builds. Although this has become seemingly more pronounced in recent years with the popularity of televised trials, public interest in criminal trials was just as high in 1735 when John Peter Zenger defended his right to free speech, or in 1893 when Lizzie Borden was tried for the murder of her father and stepmother. This book tells the stories of sixteen significant trials in American history and their media coverage, from the Zenger trial in 1735 to the O. J. Simpson trial in 1995. Each chapter relates the history of events leading up to the trial, the people involved, and how the crimes and subsequent trials were reported.

Profiling such luminaries as Benjamin Franklin, P. T. Barnum, John Wanamaker, and Harley Procter, this book examines the contributions that several prominent individuals have made to advertising in America. The work opens with a discussion of Colonial advertising and the printers, such as Benjamin Franklin, who created it. It then goes on to consider early advertising agents such as Francis Wayland Ayer and the contributions of the great promoter P. T. Barnum.Lydia Pinkham's Vegetable Compound and the advertising of patent medicines is also covered, as is John Wanamaker's impact on retail advertising. The book then examines the advertising style of Albert Lasker, owner of Lord and Thomas advertising agency, as well as Harley Procter's advertising of Ivory soap and Procter & Gamble's first 100 years. Elliot White Springs's use of sex in advertising and the Springs Cotton Mills advertising campaign of the 1940s and 1950s concludes the volume.

Strout examines how the Christian Science Monitor, a highly influential newspaper of the era, covered Joseph R. McCarthy and McCarthyism from the Senator's Lincoln Day speech in February 1950 through his censure in December 1954. Through his in-depth examination of the Monitor's interoffice communications, Strout examines how the Monitor's coverage compared with other elite and popular press newspapers and how the pressures associated with McCarthyism affected individuals at the Monitor.An extensive review of the Monitor's editorials and news articles suggests that it was remarkably thorough and fair in its reporting, while still being outspoken, but responsible in its criticism. While many newspapers attacked McCarthy personally, the Monitor concentrated on the actions of the junior senator and the negative effects they were having at home and abroad. As Strout sees it, the Monitor served as a voice of moderation, while simultaneously being a persistent critic of McCarthy's tactics.

This collection of essays examines, in context, eastern Native American speeches, which are translated and reprinted in their entirety. Anthologies of Native American orators typically focus on the rhetoric of western speakers but overlook the contributions of Eastern speakers. The roles women played, both as speakers themselves and as creators of the speeches delivered by the men, are also commonly overlooked. Finally, most anthologies mine only English-language sources, ignoring the fraught records of the earliest Spanish conquistadors and French adventurers. This study fills all these gaps and also challenges the conventional assumption that Native thought had little or no impact on liberal perspectives and critiques of Europe. Essays are arranged so that the speeches progress chronologically to reveal the evolving assessments and responses to the European presence in North America, from the mid-sixteenth century to the twentieth century.Providing a discussion of the history, culture, and oratory of eastern Native Americans, this work will appeal to scholars of Native American history and of communications and rhetoric. Speeches represent the full range of the woodland east and are taken from primary sources.

Though Latinos and African Americans have lived together in large cities as neighbors, there is much that is still misunderstood between them. Those who live in non-diverse locales have only news and entertainment representations on which to base their information about the two cultures. This new collection of essays brings together the latest interdisciplinary works by scholars examining conflicts and convergences among Latinos and African Americans in mass-mediated and cross-cultural contexts. Contributions in the form of both empirical and critical ethnographic research present compelling works in cross-cultural relations, news, entertainment, news media, education, and community relations.^IBrown and Black Communication^R challenges those who do not think that significant projects and key research have been conducted on the two largest ethnic communities in the United States. Of certain appeal to both scholars and those with more applied needs in media, education, and public policy, this challenging collection offers a range of perspectives on two widely diverse bodies of American people.