Global Foreign Policy Studies – serie

This book explores Mexico's foreign policy using the ‘principled pragmatism’ approach. It describes and explains main external actions from the country’s independence in the nineteenth century to Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s administration. The principal argument is that Mexico has resorted to principled pragmatism due to geographic, historical, economic, security, and political reasons. In other words, the nation uses this instrument to deal with the United States, defend national interests, appease domestic groups, and promote economic growth.The key characteristics of Mexico’s principled pragmatism in foreign policy are that the nation projects a double-edged diplomacy to cope with external and domestic challenges at the same time. This policy is mainly for domestic consumption, and it is also linked to the type of actors that are involved in the decision-making process and to the kind of topics included in the agenda. This principled pragmatism is related to the nature of theintention: principism is deliberate and pragmatism is forced; and this policy is used to increase Mexico’s international bargaining power.

This book explores Mexico's foreign policy using the ‘principled pragmatism’ approach. It describes and explains main external actions from the country’s independence in the nineteenth century to Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s administration. The principal argument is that Mexico has resorted to principled pragmatism due to geographic, historical, economic, security, and political reasons. In other words, the nation uses this instrument to deal with the United States, defend national interests, appease domestic groups, and promote economic growth.The key characteristics of Mexico’s principled pragmatism in foreign policy are that the nation projects a double-edged diplomacy to cope with external and domestic challenges at the same time. This policy is mainly for domestic consumption, and it is also linked to the type of actors that are involved in the decision-making process and to the kind of topics included in the agenda. This principled pragmatism is related to the nature of theintention: principism is deliberate and pragmatism is forced; and this policy is used to increase Mexico’s international bargaining power.

This book offers an accessible and rigorous introduction to the context, diplomacy, and law of the European Union’s response to Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine. The book explores how the EU responded to the war in the initial months, and is based on research carried out on Russian and European political, diplomatic, and legal texts. Presenting a unique interdisciplinary perspective, the book delves into topics such as the EU diplomatic response, the Ukrainian application for membership of the EU, the policy and legal aspects of EU sanctions against Russia and Belarus. Additionally, the book examines the significance of the EU’s unprecedented political response for the constitutional structure of the EU, and for the strategy toward the Russia of the future.

This book explores the global phenomenon of populism in relation to states' foreign policy, addressing two key questions: How do populists mold their foreign policies? What are the domestic and external factors that enable and constrain it? To this end, the book brings together a diverse group of scholars who have already researched on populist foreign policies (PFP) in specific countries to contribute shared chapters that examine their drivers, patterns, and effects according to distinctive regions: North America, Western Europe, Southern Europe, Central-Eastern Europe, Latin America, South-East Asia, the Middle East, Oceania, and Africa.   The empirical analysis sheds new light on how populists’ distinctive conception of a world divided antagonistically between “the people” and “the elites” influences behaviour towards multilateral organizations such as the United Nations and the European Union, and regional or global hegemonic powers like the United States, Germany, Russia, and China. The book also shows how ideas related to identity, ideology, status and emotions, impinge on populists’ conduct vis-à-vis other international actors, and how national and international structures affect the implementation of populist foreign policies in the regional, interregional, and global arenas. The wide geographical diversity and regional representation are also valuable in identifying cultural similarities and differences. Hence, the findings contribute to lively debates on whether there is a unified and coherent foreign policy among populist leaderships, and whether populism leads to a gradual “corrective” of transnational trends in contemporary politics or, conversely, to a more radical, structural shift in the liberal international order.

This book explores the global phenomenon of populism in relation to states' foreign policy, addressing two key questions: How do populists mold their foreign policies? What are the domestic and external factors that enable and constrain it? To this end, the book brings together a diverse group of scholars who have already researched on populist foreign policies (PFP) in specific countries to contribute shared chapters that examine their drivers, patterns, and effects according to distinctive regions: North America, Western Europe, Southern Europe, Central-Eastern Europe, Latin America, South-East Asia, the Middle East, Oceania, and Africa.   The empirical analysis sheds new light on how populists’ distinctive conception of a world divided antagonistically between “the people” and “the elites” influences behaviour towards multilateral organizations such as the United Nations and the European Union, and regional or global hegemonic powers like the United States, Germany, Russia, and China. The book also shows how ideas related to identity, ideology, status and emotions, impinge on populists’ conduct vis-à-vis other international actors, and how national and international structures affect the implementation of populist foreign policies in the regional, interregional, and global arenas. The wide geographical diversity and regional representation are also valuable in identifying cultural similarities and differences. Hence, the findings contribute to lively debates on whether there is a unified and coherent foreign policy among populist leaderships, and whether populism leads to a gradual “corrective” of transnational trends in contemporary politics or, conversely, to a more radical, structural shift in the liberal international order.

This book brings together an all-women group of scholars to provide a historically grounded and theoretically rich examination of the continuities and changes in Turkey’s foreign policy since the Republic's establishment in 1923. Using different International Relations theories, clarifying the interaction between domestic politics and foreign policymaking, the book charts the evolution of Turkey’s foreign policy vis-a-vis several regions and global actors and examines the major developments in Turkey’s relations with these actors. Some chapters emphasize the continuities in Turkey’s external relations, and others examine the significant changes and discontinuities in certain areas. Recognizing that Turkey’s state interests may not always coincide with the interests of the ruling elite, the book demonstrates that the centennial birthday of Turkey represents a constitutive moment for Turkey’s future and calls for a pragmatic, as opposed to a completely ideologically-based, grand strategy that should focus on progressive ideals.

This book brings together an all-women group of scholars to provide a historically grounded and theoretically rich examination of the continuities and changes in Turkey’s foreign policy since the Republic's establishment in 1923. Using different International Relations theories, clarifying the interaction between domestic politics and foreign policymaking, the book charts the evolution of Turkey’s foreign policy vis-a-vis several regions and global actors and examines the major developments in Turkey’s relations with these actors. Some chapters emphasize the continuities in Turkey’s external relations, and others examine the significant changes and discontinuities in certain areas. Recognizing that Turkey’s state interests may not always coincide with the interests of the ruling elite, the book demonstrates that the centennial birthday of Turkey represents a constitutive moment for Turkey’s future and calls for a pragmatic, as opposed to a completely ideologically-based, grand strategy that should focus on progressive ideals.

Great power competition is back on the world stage, and today’s international system is home to regional influences on great power relations that cannot be ignored. The United States’ unipolar moment is long over, and China’s hegemonic ambitions find expression in a comprehensive global competition with the US that plays out across multiple spheres of world politics. The US-China rivalry can be felt in geostrategic, economic, governance, diplomacy, intelligence, and technological spheres, to name a few. Most accounts of China-US relations in the context of great power conflict emphasize the many ways in which this rivalry has a ripple effect across the globe, with an impact upon the relations and interests of smaller powers. And while these effects are considerable and important, this book contends that attention must also be paid to the ways in which smaller, regional states have the potential to shape this great power rivalry. Put simply, great powers both shape, and are shaped by, smaller states. Any understanding of contemporary great power relations between the US and China requires both a top down, but also a bottom up consideration of the interplay between great powers and regional ones. Often the interests of regional powers are rooted in domestic considerations such as their identities and national interests, and these influences transcend borders and often have an impact upon the great powers. This book considers these smaller, regional actors and attempts to measure the extent to which they influence the US-China rivalry. For this study, constructivist theory, which prioritizes the agency that regional powers enjoy, is loosely used as a tool to enable a more robust and comprehensive understanding of the influences on the contemporary great power relationship. Each of the book’s chapters represents a region, or part of a region, that enjoys a considerable impact upon US-China relations.

Great power competition is back on the world stage, and today’s international system is home to regional influences on great power relations that cannot be ignored. The United States’ unipolar moment is long over, and China’s hegemonic ambitions find expression in a comprehensive global competition with the US that plays out across multiple spheres of world politics. The US-China rivalry can be felt in geostrategic, economic, governance, diplomacy, intelligence, and technological spheres, to name a few. Most accounts of China-US relations in the context of great power conflict emphasize the many ways in which this rivalry has a ripple effect across the globe, with an impact upon the relations and interests of smaller powers. And while these effects are considerable and important, this book contends that attention must also be paid to the ways in which smaller, regional states have the potential to shape this great power rivalry. Put simply, great powers both shape, and are shaped by, smaller states. Any understanding of contemporary great power relations between the US and China requires both a top down, but also a bottom up consideration of the interplay between great powers and regional ones. Often the interests of regional powers are rooted in domestic considerations such as their identities and national interests, and these influences transcend borders and often have an impact upon the great powers. This book considers these smaller, regional actors and attempts to measure the extent to which they influence the US-China rivalry. For this study, constructivist theory, which prioritizes the agency that regional powers enjoy, is loosely used as a tool to enable a more robust and comprehensive understanding of the influences on the contemporary great power relationship. Each of the book’s chapters represents a region, or part of a region, that enjoys a considerable impact upon US-China relations.

This book will explore the reorientation of the foreign policy direction of the Caribbean from traditional partners in the western hemisphere towards partners in the Asia-Pacific region. In particular, it will examine the Caribbean’s interest in increasing its engagement with China and Japan and will also investigate the opportunities and challenges for Caribbean states to deepen relations with these two countries. Opportunities include economic assistance, investments, diversification of trading partners and infrastructural development. However, with these benefits are disadvantages which relate to certain conditionalities attached to economic assistance, a widening trade deficit and on amore domestic level, challenges to regional integration which can hinder the extent and direction of these relationships. The book will also examine the main motivations behind China and Japan’s interest in the Caribbean region, premised on the argument that they are based on economic development, political security and global status. Case studies will be presented examining inter alia,the “One China Policy” in the region. As China continues to rise to power, Japan has been increasing its activities in a bid to stay relevant regionally and internationally. In examining the Caribbean’s engagement with China and Japan, a principally qualitative approach is employed by using case studies which entails the in-depth exploration of events, activities, and processes. Case studies of two Caribbean countries, Jamaica and Grenada and their engagement with China and Japan will be presented.

The overarching aim of the book is to provide the first comprehensive account of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy and its dissemination through digital diplomacy. In contrast to other scholarly studies of digital diplomacy that tend to view it as a technological and apolitical device for online diplomatic communication, this book examines the specific political dynamics of digital diplomacy. It posits that digital diplomacy is a highly political practice and form of communication. The book offers an in-depth examination of the interdependent relationship between digital diplomacy and feminist foreign policy, with an empirical focus on Sweden.  Additionally, it introduces a novel theoretical framework to analyse the political characteristics of digital diplomacy, emphasising the oscillation between antagonism and agonism at the intersection of feminist foreign policy and digital diplomacy.In sum, the book provides new theoretical and empirical knowledge of why, how, and in what ways power-political dynamics are produced, sustained, and transformed within the contexts of feminist foreign policy and digital diplomacy. While the focus centres on Sweden, the authors contend that their novel approach to examining the political dynamics of digital diplomacy and feminist foreign policy applies to other country case studies as well.This is an open access book.

The overarching aim of the book is to provide the first comprehensive account of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy and its dissemination through digital diplomacy. In contrast to other scholarly studies of digital diplomacy that tend to view it as a technological and apolitical device for online diplomatic communication, this book examines the specific political dynamics of digital diplomacy. It posits that digital diplomacy is a highly political practice and form of communication. The book offers an in-depth examination of the interdependent relationship between digital diplomacy and feminist foreign policy, with an empirical focus on Sweden.  Additionally, it introduces a novel theoretical framework to analyse the political characteristics of digital diplomacy, emphasising the oscillation between antagonism and agonism at the intersection of feminist foreign policy and digital diplomacy.In sum, the book provides new theoretical and empirical knowledge of why, how, and in what ways power-political dynamics are produced, sustained, and transformed within the contexts of feminist foreign policy and digital diplomacy. While the focus centres on Sweden, the authors contend that their novel approach to examining the political dynamics of digital diplomacy and feminist foreign policy applies to other country case studies as well.This is an open access book.

This book describes and analyzes the choices that Canada, as a Middle Power, has regarding the strategic rivalry between the United States and China.  The administrations of Republican Donald Trump and his successor Democrat Joe Biden have taken a hardline stance toward Beijing, which in turn has adopted an increasingly belligerent tone toward Washington.  The posture of the United States toward China has put traditional American allies in a difficult position.  They must choose whether to join the effort to counter China’s ambitions, support those ambitions or take some intermediate stance.  As one of America’s closest and longest-standing allies, Canada must make decisions that will affect its position in the world for the rest of the twenty-first century.  The book argues that Canada’s national interests are best served by alignment with the confrontational posture of the United States while at the same time joining the efforts of U.S. allies Japan, India, and South Korea to moderate the thrust of Washington’s Indo-Pacific Strategy in a direction more consistent with multilateralism and the preservation of the rules-based international order.  The book has important implications for other U.S. allies, including the member states of the European Union, Organization of American States and Association of Southeast Asian Nations, each of which finds itself caught in the middle between the world’s two greatest powers.