Political Economy of the Asia Pacific – serie

islands has emotional content far beyond any material significance because giving way on the island issue to Japan would be considered as once again compromising the sovereignty over the whole Korean peninsula. For Japan, the Dokdo issue may lack the same degree of strategic and economic values and emotional appeal as the other two territorial disputes that Japan has had with Russia and the two Chinas – namely the Northern Territories/Southern Kurile Islands and the Senkaku Islands, respectively. Nevertheless, fishing resources and the maritime boundary issues became highly salient with the introduction of UNCLOS. Also, the legal, political, and economic issues surrounding Dokdo are all intertwined with Japan’s other territorial disputes to the extent that concessions of sovereignty on any of these island disputes could jeopardize claims or negotiations concerning the rest. South Korea and Japan have forged a deeper diplomatic and economic partn- ship over the past decade. A new spirit of partnership after the landmark joint declaration of 1998 culminated in the successful co-hosting of the World Cup 2002. At the end of 2003 the two neighbors began to negotiate an FTA to further strengthen their already close economic ties. South Korea’s decades-long embargo on Japanese cultural products has now been lifted, while a number of South Korean pop stars are currently sweeping across Japan, creating the so-called “Korean Wave” fever. A pragmatic calculation of national interests would thus suggest cooperative behavior.

Can regional mechanisms better institutionalize the increasing complexity of economic and security ties among the countries in Northeast Asia?

It is a privilege to introduce the reader to this book, as I believe that it will make a signi?cant contribution to, given the dif?culties in the knowledge of the Indian Ocean, developing cooperation in the Indian Ocean region. There have been numerous failed efforts at regional cooperation in different fora in the Indian Ocean. As a result of the land-based orientation of the people in the region, the importance for countries to develop the power to govern the sea has largely been ignored. The maritime approach taken by Manoj Gupta to the Indian Ocean as a region in international relations offers a timely and critical assessment of the potential for regional cooperation and ocean governance. The political leadership in the region can no longer ignore the need for coop- ation in maritime affairs in the Indian Ocean. This book enriches the literature on Indian Ocean issues as it argues convincingly that the security of nations, economic well-being of the people and health of the Indian Ocean cannot be divested from one another. All are fundamentally dependant on the ability of the countries in the region to individually and collectively exert the power to govern the sea.

islands has emotional content far beyond any material significance because giving way on the island issue to Japan would be considered as once again compromising the sovereignty over the whole Korean peninsula. For Japan, the Dokdo issue may lack the same degree of strategic and economic values and emotional appeal as the other two territorial disputes that Japan has had with Russia and the two Chinas – namely the Northern Territories/Southern Kurile Islands and the Senkaku Islands, respectively. Nevertheless, fishing resources and the maritime boundary issues became highly salient with the introduction of UNCLOS. Also, the legal, political, and economic issues surrounding Dokdo are all intertwined with Japan’s other territorial disputes to the extent that concessions of sovereignty on any of these island disputes could jeopardize claims or negotiations concerning the rest. South Korea and Japan have forged a deeper diplomatic and economic partn- ship over the past decade. A new spirit of partnership after the landmark joint declaration of 1998 culminated in the successful co-hosting of the World Cup 2002. At the end of 2003 the two neighbors began to negotiate an FTA to further strengthen their already close economic ties. South Korea’s decades-long embargo on Japanese cultural products has now been lifted, while a number of South Korean pop stars are currently sweeping across Japan, creating the so-called “Korean Wave” fever. A pragmatic calculation of national interests would thus suggest cooperative behavior.

East Asian countries are now pursuing greater formal economic institutionalization, weaving a web of bilateral and minilateral preferential trade agreements. Scholarly analysis of “formal” East Asian regionalism focuses on international political and economic factors such as the end of the Cold War, the Asian financial crisis, or the rising Sino-Japanese rivalry. Yet this work pays inadequate attention to the strategies of individual government agencies, business groups, labor unions, and NGOs across the region. Moreover, most studies also fail to adequately characterize different types of trade arrangements, often lumping together bilateral accords with minilateral ones, and transregional agreements with those within the region. To fully understand this cross-national variance, this book argues that researchers must give greater attention to the domestic politics within East Asian countries and the U.S., involving the interplay of these subnational players. With contributions from leading country and regional trade specialists, this book examines East Asian and American trade strategies through the lens of a domestic bargaining game approach with a focus on the interplay of interests, ideas, and domestic institutions within the context of broader international shifts. With respect to domestic politics, the chapters show how subnational actors engage in lobbying, both of their own governments and through their links to others in the region. They also trace the evolution of interests and ideas over time, helping us to generate a better understanding of historical trends in the region. In addition to scholars of East Asian and comparative regionalism, this book will be of interest to policy-makers concerned with international trade and U.S.-Asia relations, and those interested in understanding the rich trade institutional landscape that we see emerging in the Asia-Pacific.

The Northeast Asian security environment is closely linked to Korea’s growth perspectives for the future. The spectacular rise of the South Korean economy in the past half century, also known as “Miracle on the Han River,” has been duly highlighted as one of the most successful cases of economic development worldwide. However, among the factors curbing South Korea’s growth perspectives has been, from the very beginning of its rise, the coexistence of the difficult neighbour to the North, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. While in the cold war this coexistence has been taken as inevitable, after the end of the cold war there were hopes to overcome this obstacle to further growth either through collapse or enhanced cooperation with the North, neither of which became reality. North Korea’s unprecedented aggressiveness and development of long-range ballistic missiles and nuclear devices, made this threat truly an international question with multilateral talks coming into existence as ad-hoc measures to cope with the nuclear crisis. It was then that the idea of a Northeast Asian Security Community was born. The contributions in this book discuss how a peaceful solution of the security problems could not only enhance stability of Korea’s economy and reduce the defense burden considerably (the so-called peace dividend), but would facilitate regional investments safer and regional solutions for common economic problems. When discussing the possibilities of a security framework or, in an institutionalized form, security community, in Northeast Asia, the authors in this volume are realistic as to not fall into the trap of wishful thinking, which so often has characterized approaches to North Korea resulting in disappointment. The past two years again saw the rising of tensions in Northeast Asia and the masterful way in which even an impoverished and isolated country can play its cards. While it seems a new ice age between the two Koreas is possible,nevertheless and maybe even more than ever the search for a stable security framework for Northeast Asia as a precondition for peaceful economic cooperation and development will go on. The chapters in this volume contribute to the ongoing debate to secure peace and development in Northeast Asia, making this book of interest to both academics and policy-makers alike.

It is a privilege to introduce the reader to this book, as I believe that it will make a signi?cant contribution to, given the dif?culties in the knowledge of the Indian Ocean, developing cooperation in the Indian Ocean region. There have been numerous failed efforts at regional cooperation in different fora in the Indian Ocean. As a result of the land-based orientation of the people in the region, the importance for countries to develop the power to govern the sea has largely been ignored. The maritime approach taken by Manoj Gupta to the Indian Ocean as a region in international relations offers a timely and critical assessment of the potential for regional cooperation and ocean governance. The political leadership in the region can no longer ignore the need for coop- ation in maritime affairs in the Indian Ocean. This book enriches the literature on Indian Ocean issues as it argues convincingly that the security of nations, economic well-being of the people and health of the Indian Ocean cannot be divested from one another. All are fundamentally dependant on the ability of the countries in the region to individually and collectively exert the power to govern the sea.

East Asian countries are now pursuing greater formal economic institutionalization, weaving a web of bilateral and minilateral preferential trade agreements. Scholarly analysis of “formal” East Asian regionalism focuses on international political and economic factors such as the end of the Cold War, the Asian financial crisis, or the rising Sino-Japanese rivalry. Yet this work pays inadequate attention to the strategies of individual government agencies, business groups, labor unions, and NGOs across the region. Moreover, most studies also fail to adequately characterize different types of trade arrangements, often lumping together bilateral accords with minilateral ones, and transregional agreements with those within the region. To fully understand this cross-national variance, this book argues that researchers must give greater attention to the domestic politics within East Asian countries and the U.S., involving the interplay of these subnational players. With contributions from leading country and regional trade specialists, this book examines East Asian and American trade strategies through the lens of a domestic bargaining game approach with a focus on the interplay of interests, ideas, and domestic institutions within the context of broader international shifts. With respect to domestic politics, the chapters show how subnational actors engage in lobbying, both of their own governments and through their links to others in the region. They also trace the evolution of interests and ideas over time, helping us to generate a better understanding of historical trends in the region. In addition to scholars of East Asian and comparative regionalism, this book will be of interest to policy-makers concerned with international trade and U.S.-Asia relations, and those interested in understanding the rich trade institutional landscape that we see emerging in the Asia-Pacific.

The Northeast Asian security environment is closely linked to Korea’s growth perspectives for the future. The spectacular rise of the South Korean economy in the past half century, also known as “Miracle on the Han River,” has been duly highlighted as one of the most successful cases of economic development worldwide. However, among the factors curbing South Korea’s growth perspectives has been, from the very beginning of its rise, the coexistence of the difficult neighbour to the North, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. While in the cold war this coexistence has been taken as inevitable, after the end of the cold war there were hopes to overcome this obstacle to further growth either through collapse or enhanced cooperation with the North, neither of which became reality. North Korea’s unprecedented aggressiveness and development of long-range ballistic missiles and nuclear devices, made this threat truly an international question with multilateral talks coming into existence as ad-hoc measures to cope with the nuclear crisis. It was then that the idea of a Northeast Asian Security Community was born. The contributions in this book discuss how a peaceful solution of the security problems could not only enhance stability of Korea’s economy and reduce the defense burden considerably (the so-called peace dividend), but would facilitate regional investments safer and regional solutions for common economic problems. When discussing the possibilities of a security framework or, in an institutionalized form, security community, in Northeast Asia, the authors in this volume are realistic as to not fall into the trap of wishful thinking, which so often has characterized approaches to North Korea resulting in disappointment. The past two years again saw the rising of tensions in Northeast Asia and the masterful way in which even an impoverished and isolated country can play its cards. While it seems a new ice age between the two Koreas is possible,nevertheless and maybe even more than ever the search for a stable security framework for Northeast Asia as a precondition for peaceful economic cooperation and development will go on. The chapters in this volume contribute to the ongoing debate to secure peace and development in Northeast Asia, making this book of interest to both academics and policy-makers alike.

​The connections between trade and security are hardly new. Analysts and practitioners have clearly recognized this interrelationship since the mercantilist arguments of the 16th and 17th centuries. Despite wishful economic liberal thinking that might prefer to separate the political from the economic, it is widely recognized that trade and security are fundamentally interconnected in the foreign policy of states. Over time, as new forms of trade policy have come into being and the international security environment has evolved, the nexus of these two spheres has grown more complex and scholars have struggled to understand their interconnection This edited volume addresses linkages between trade and security by examining the influence of security factors in driving trade policy measures and the corresponding implications of different types of trade arrangements for international security. Ultimately, the project shows that several elements—traditional economic factors, traditional security factors, and human security factors—can affect the development of trade agreements and unilateral policies, and that trade policies may have both a direct and an indirect effect on traditional and human security. The project focuses on Asia, a region where economics is increasingly important but many security issues still linger unresolved, as a primary setting to test trade linkage theories. It also provides a comparative perspective through examination of how the EU and US have used their trade policies to achieve non-economic goals and how these policies have influenced their security environment. Case studies in this project cover key trade institutions and agreements including the World Trade Organization, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, ASEAN Plus Three, the East Asia Summit, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and bilateral preferential trade agreements.

The mobile telecommunication industry has been one of the fastest growing industries in the global economy since the late 1990s. As the first country to offer commercial Code Division Multiple Access (CDMA) cellular service in the world, Korea was able to jump right into the digital mobile markets, enhancing its status as a leading manufacturer of mobile equipment. While the growth of the telecom industry occurred with the emergence of worldwide market-oriented regulatory reform and liberalization in telecommunications, the state-market relationship in Korea evolved from state monopoly toward “centralized governance” and later toward “flexible governance,” which is substantially different from “liberal governance” of the US. This book examines the uniqueness of Korean regulatory reforms of the mobile telecommunication sector, and argues that the market-oriented regulatory reform and liberalization should be explained by focusing on the interactions among the state, the private sector, and international political economic environment.  It will appeal to scholars and policy-makers alike concerned with market regulation, Asian development and political economy.

This volume addresses the link between trade and security by examining the influence of security factors in driving trade policy measures and the corresponding implications of different types of trade arrangements for international security.

The mobile telecommunication industry has been one of the fastest growing industries in the global economy since the late 1990s.

This book analyses neo-liberal economic policy in Hong Kong and its relationship to British colonial governance.

To unravel the peculiar nature of the political economy in Korea, the authors first identify major factors that contributed to the dual dynamics of change and continuity in Korea: external pressures, ideological shift in political leadership, and the pivotal role of the Korean government.

This volume discusses Korea’s role as a middle power in the midst of the 21st century global power shift.

This volume discusses Korea’s role as a middle power in the midst of the 21st century global power shift.

As such, it will be relevant to scholars specializing in Indo-Pacific domestic politics and foreign policy, U.S. foreign policy, middle powers, China-U.S. relations, China-EU relations, Asia-Pacific developments, international security, international political economy, and emerging markets.

As such, it will be relevant to scholars specializing in Indo-Pacific domestic politics and foreign policy, U.S. foreign policy, middle powers, China-U.S. relations, China-EU relations, Asia-Pacific developments, international security, international political economy, and emerging markets.

In this context, the volume analyzes the way in which the dynamics of public administration were shaped within the Korean government and the kinds of public policies and instruments that were adopted to encourage this economic and social development.

In the postwar period, Korea’s economic and social-political metamorphosis is a rare example of a successful transition from one of the world’s poorest developing countries to a highly sophisticated industrial society—an experience which many developing countries are keen to emulate.  The change is particularly significant as Korea was able to reduce poverty and keep social inequality at a modest level during its rapid economic development. This volume analyzes the Korean transition in regards to the political and institutional foundation of its government and public policies.  The government of Korea single-mindedly carried out public policies to stimulate economic growth, but the government and public policies have themselves been affected and changed by the process.  The contention of this volume is that the transition of Korean society and the evolution of the Korean government are the results of two-way interactions.  In this context, the volume analyzes the way in which the dynamics of public administration were shaped within the Korean government and the kinds of public policies and instruments that were adopted to encourage this economic and social development.  This analysis will allow a more complete understanding of the economic and social transformation of Korea.  Surprisingly, there is a paucity of research on this aspect—a gap which this volume seeks to fill.  This volume shows that it is necessary to maintain consistency and coherence in government and public policy in order to achieve economic and social transformation, making it of interest to both scholars and policy-makers concerned with development in the Asia-Pacific.

This book is relevant to both scholars and policymakers concerned with Chinese domestic politics and foreign policy, US foreign policy, EU foreign policy, China-US relations, China-EU relations, international security, international political economy and emerging markets.

This book investigates China’s emergence as an outside player in SSA over the last several decades and the current understanding of the impact of Beijing’s growing presence on the continent, including several case studies focused on specific SSA countries. China’s accelerating economic and political engagement with sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) has gained growing attention in political and academic circles as a topic of both praise and derision. China has become the standard bearer of rising powers emerging from the developing world, and has begun to make inroads in its effort to secure strategic natural resources in a region traditionally dominated by the status quo powers of the West.  Publications concerning Sino-African relations have increased rapidly over the last decade. Instead of asking whether or not China’s role in SSA is a positive for the continent’s political, economic and social development, this book focuses on often overlooked African publics and how they perceive China’s engagement. Moreover, instead of constructing a uniform “China meets Africa” narrative, this work examines China’s presence in sub-Saharan Africa on a country-by-country basis, accounting for the intensity of Chinese engagement, the country’s domestic political institutions, and the way in which political entrepreneurs within these systems choose to utilize Chinese involvement as an instrument of political mobilization. It will be of interest to scholars and policy-makers concerned with Africa and China's development and international relations. ​

This book is relevant to both scholars and policymakers concerned with Chinese domestic politics and foreign policy, US foreign policy, EU foreign policy, China-US relations, China-EU relations, international security, international political economy and emerging markets.

This volume chronicles the policy challenges and adaptations faced and made by the South Korean government during the post-industrialization and democratization period.

This book provides the most comprehensive survey of mining activity and the principal challenges confronting the resources industry in the Asia-Pacific region today, and presents new theoretical and practical insights into the political and business risks faced by mining companies operating in the region from both academic and corporate perspectives. It focuses on the exploration, production and trade of the principal commodities coal, iron ore, uranium, oil and gas, and gold, as well as the emerging commodities unconventional gas and rare earth minerals, provides the reader with a valuable understanding of resource activity in the region. In addition, it also integrates and draws attention to eight key issue areas which have the potential to pose significant risks, challenges and opportunities for the industry going forward, which include sustainable development, resource governance and economic contributions, declining ore grades and territorial expansion, community aspects of mining, mining and indigenous peoples, climate change, and impact assessment. The contributors to this volume are experts in their respective fields, and the diversity of voices makes this book a must read for scholars, industry participants, investors and policy-makers with an interest in mining in the Asia-Pacific.​

This volume chronicles the policy challenges and adaptations faced and made by the South Korean government during the post-industrialization and democratization period.

This book analyses neo-liberal economic policy in Hong Kong and its relationship to British colonial governance. Using historical, political, and economic examples, the author argues that the growth and stability experienced by Hong Kong in the post-WWII/pre-1997 era was a direct result of policies enacted by the British in an effort to maintain colonial dominance in an era of decolonization rather than the independent workings of the free market. The book works through examples of policies employed by the British in Hong Kong, such as the creation of artificial scarcity in colonial land policy, the construction of large-scale public housing and the Mass Transit Railway System, and education policy that favored competition. Challenging long-accepted narratives, this book draws a direct line between market fundamentalism and direct colonial control. As such, this book will be of interest to scholars and students of economics, political science, history, and those studying the Asia-Pacific region.

This book analyzes the transformation of Korean political economy since the 1990s. In the wake of the Asian financial crisis of 1997, the political economy of South Korea has evolved around two diametrically opposed features: convergence into the Anglo-American model and the state-led strategic restructuring of industries. To unravel the peculiar nature of the political economy in Korea, the authors first identify major factors that contributed to the dual dynamics of change and continuity in Korea: external pressures, ideological shift in political leadership, and the pivotal role of the Korean government. Next, they examine the way in which these factors interacted with each other to reshape the evolutionary path of the Korean political economy. Using several case studies, the authors take us through the stages of this transformation, from the reform of the chaebols to the industrial restructuring of the auto, IT, and aerospace industries to the rise of South Korea’s Free Trade Agreements (FTA) initiative. In explaining the role that the dual dynamics of change and continuity play in modern Korean political economy, this book makes an important contribution to the existing literature and will be of interest to scholars and policy-makers concerned with development in Korea and the Asia-Pacific.​