Kjell Engelbrekt – författare

Östersjön är mer än bara ett innanhav – det är en historisk geopolitisk skådeplats. Från vikingatidens sjöfart till dagens Natodominerade område har detta bräckta hav varit en livsnerv för folk och länder i norra Europa. Östersjön har fungerat som en knutpunkt för ekonomiska och politiska relationer genom Hansans dominans under medeltiden, stormaktstidens strider mellan Sverige, Polen-Litauen och Ryssland, samt de dramatiska skiften som följde i spåren av Napoleonkrigen, de båda världskrigen och kalla kriget. 

Östersjön har även visat sig vara en plats för samarbete. Efter Sovjetunionens fall har regionen präglats av integration och tillväxt – en utveckling som nu utmanas av nya geopolitiska spänningar. Hur kan regionen komma att påverkas av energiflöden, klimatförändringar och militärstrategier? 

I denna omfattande antologi samlas bidrag av ledande forskare inom bland annat historia, statsvetenskap och internationella relationer för att kartlägga de drivande krafter som format Östersjöregionen från 1200-talet fram till i dag. 

Boken finns även i engelsk utgåva, The Baltic Sea - A Geopolitical History.

Östersjön är mer än bara ett innanhav det är en historisk geopolitisk skådeplats. Från vikingatidens sjöfart till ett Nato-dominerat område har detta bräckta innanhav varit en livsnerv för folk och länder i norra Europa. Östersjön har fungerat som en knutpunkt för ekonomiska och politiska relationer: Hansans dominans under medeltiden, stormaktstidens strider mellan Sverige, Polen-Litauen och Ryssland, samt de dramatiska skiften som följde i spåren av Napoleonkrigen, de båda världskrigen och kalla kriget.

Men Östersjön är också en plats för samarbete. Efter Sovjetunionens fall har regionen präglats av integration och tillväxt en utveckling som nu utmanas av nya geopolitiska spänningar. Hur påverkas framtiden av energiflöden, klimatförändringar och militärstrategier?

I denna omfattande antologi samlas bidrag av ledande forskare inom bland annat historia, statsvetenskap och internationella relationer för att kartlägga de drivande krafter som format Östersjöregionen från 1200-talet fram till i dag.

This edited volume sets out to explore the paradox that the European Union (EU) produces policies with strategic qualities, but lacks the institutions and concepts to engage in strategic reasoning and action proper.

The book has a two-fold agenda, exploring current EU external policies that are, or seem to be, linked to strategic priorities, and also studying the concept of strategy in the particular context of EU decision- and policymaking.

The volume first examines the character of the Union as a strategic actor at this stage of its development. It then explores the ability of the Union to act and otherwise influence both its periphery and the wider world, focusing in particular on how it is perceived by other actors. The final section comprises personal assessments by a group of contributors regarding the character of the union as a strategic actor in the present and future. When these are pieced together, a picture emerges of a European strategy in the making, albeit one that so far is modest and partial.

This book will be of interest to students of European Security, European Politics and IR.

This edited volume sets out to explore the paradox that the European Union (EU) produces policies with strategic qualities, but lacks the institutions and concepts to engage in strategic reasoning and action proper.

The book has a two-fold agenda, exploring current EU external policies that are, or seem to be, linked to strategic priorities, and also studying the concept of strategy in the particular context of EU decision- and policymaking.

The volume first examines the character of the Union as a strategic actor at this stage of its development. It then explores the ability of the Union to act and otherwise influence both its periphery and the wider world, focusing in particular on how it is perceived by other actors. The final section comprises personal assessments by a group of contributors regarding the character of the union as a strategic actor in the present and future. When these are pieced together, a picture emerges of a European strategy in the making, albeit one that so far is modest and partial.

This book will be of interest to students of European Security, European Politics and IR.

This book explores ‘lessons learned’ from the military intervention in Libya by examining key aspects of the 2011 NATO campaign.

NATO’s intervention in Libya had unique features, rendering it unlikely to serve as a model for action in other situations. There was an explicit UN Security Council mandate to use military force, a strong European commitment to protect Libyan civilians, Arab League political endorsement and American engagement in the critical, initial phase of the air campaign. Although the seven-month intervention stretched NATO’s ammunition stockpiles and political will almost to their respective breaking points, the definitive overthrow of the Gaddafi regime is universally regarded as a major accomplishment.

With contributions from a range of key thinkers and analysts in the field, the book first explains the law and politics of the intervention, starting out with deliberations in NATO and at the UN Security Council, both noticeably influenced by the concept of a Responsibility to Protect (R2P). It then goes on to examine a wide set of military and auxiliary measures that governments and defence forces undertook in order to increasingly tilt the balance against the Gaddafi regime and to bring about an end to the conflict, as well as to the intervention proper, while striving to keep the number of NATO and civilian casualties to a minimum.

This book will be of interest to students of strategic studies, history and war studies, and IR in general.

This book explores ‘lessons learned’ from the military intervention in Libya by examining key aspects of the 2011 NATO campaign.

NATO’s intervention in Libya had unique features, rendering it unlikely to serve as a model for action in other situations. There was an explicit UN Security Council mandate to use military force, a strong European commitment to protect Libyan civilians, Arab League political endorsement and American engagement in the critical, initial phase of the air campaign. Although the seven-month intervention stretched NATO’s ammunition stockpiles and political will almost to their respective breaking points, the definitive overthrow of the Gaddafi regime is universally regarded as a major accomplishment.

With contributions from a range of key thinkers and analysts in the field, the book first explains the law and politics of the intervention, starting out with deliberations in NATO and at the UN Security Council, both noticeably influenced by the concept of a Responsibility to Protect (R2P). It then goes on to examine a wide set of military and auxiliary measures that governments and defence forces undertook in order to increasingly tilt the balance against the Gaddafi regime and to bring about an end to the conflict, as well as to the intervention proper, while striving to keep the number of NATO and civilian casualties to a minimum.

This book will be of interest to students of strategic studies, history and war studies, and IR in general.

Russian-European political relations have always been problematic and one of the main reasons for this is the different perspectives on even the very basic notions and concepts of political life. With a worldwide recession, the problems as well as the opportunities in Russian-European relations are magnified. While most works on Russian-European, Russian-American and Russian-West relations focus on current policies and explain them from a standard set of explanatory variables, this book penetrates deeper into the structural and ideational differences that tend to bring about misperceptions, miscalculations, misinterpretations and misdeeds in this two-directional relationship. It applies a very broad conceptual framework to analyse differences that are as relevant for Europe and the EU as it is to Russia’s immediate neighbours and, while doing so, identifies the key factors that will dominate Russia-EU ties in the next decade.

Russian-European political relations have always been problematic and one of the main reasons for this is the different perspectives on even the very basic notions and concepts of political life. With a worldwide recession, the problems as well as the opportunities in Russian-European relations are magnified. While most works on Russian-European, Russian-American and Russian-West relations focus on current policies and explain them from a standard set of explanatory variables, this book penetrates deeper into the structural and ideational differences that tend to bring about misperceptions, miscalculations, misinterpretations and misdeeds in this two-directional relationship. It applies a very broad conceptual framework to analyse differences that are as relevant for Europe and the EU as it is to Russia’s immediate neighbours and, while doing so, identifies the key factors that will dominate Russia-EU ties in the next decade.

The proliferation of “minilateral” summits is reshaping how international security problems are addressed, yet these summits remain a poorly understood phenomenon. In this groundbreaking work, Kjell Engelbrekt contrasts the most important minilateral summits—the G7 (formerly G8) and G20—with the older and more formal UN Security Council to assess where the diplomacy of international security is taking place and whether these institutions complement or compete with each other.

Engelbrekt’s research in primary-source documents of the G7, G8, G20, and UN Security Council provides unique insight into how these institutions deliberate on three policy areas: conflict management, counterterrorism cooperation, and climate change mitigation. Relatively informal and flexible, GX diplomacy invites more countries to take a seat at the table and allows nontraditional security threats to be placed on the agenda. Engelbrekt concludes, however, that there is a continuing need for institutions like the UN to address traditional security problems.

High-Table Diplomacy will provoke discussion and further research on the role of minilateral summits among scholars of international relations, security studies, and international organizations.