Milos Vec – författare

''Peace'' is often simplistically assumed to be war''s opposite, and as such is not examined closely or critically idealized in the literature of peace studies, its crucial role in the justification of war is often overlooked. Starting from a critical view that the value of ''restoring peace'' or ''keeping peace'' is, and has been, regularly used as a pretext for military intervention, this book traces the conceptual history of peace in nineteenth century legal andpolitical practice. It explores the role of the value of peace in shaping the public rhetoric and legitimizing action in general international relations, international law, international trade, colonialism, and armed conflict. Departing from the assumption that there is no peace as such, nor can there be, itexamines the contradictory visions of peace that arise from conflict.These conflicting and antagonistic visions of peace are each linked to a set of motivations and interests as well as to a certain vision of legitimacy within the international realm. Each of them inevitably conveys the image of a specific enemy that has to be crushed in order to peace being installed. This book highlights the contradictions and paradoxes in nineteenth century discourses and practices of peace, particularly in Europe.

''Peace'' is often simplistically assumed to be war''s opposite, and as such is not examined closely or critically idealized in the literature of peace studies, its crucial role in the justification of war is often overlooked. Starting from a critical view that the value of ''restoring peace'' or ''keeping peace'' is, and has been, regularly used as a pretext for military intervention, this book traces the conceptual history of peace in nineteenth century legal andpolitical practice. It explores the role of the value of peace in shaping the public rhetoric and legitimizing action in general international relations, international law, international trade, colonialism, and armed conflict. Departing from the assumption that there is no peace as such, nor can there be, itexamines the contradictory visions of peace that arise from conflict.These conflicting and antagonistic visions of peace are each linked to a set of motivations and interests as well as to a certain vision of legitimacy within the international realm. Each of them inevitably conveys the image of a specific enemy that has to be crushed in order to peace being installed. This book highlights the contradictions and paradoxes in nineteenth century discourses and practices of peace, particularly in Europe.

The study of foreign policy is usually concerned with the interaction of states, and thus with governance structures which emerged either with the so-called ''Westphalian system'' or in the course of the 18th century: diplomacy and international law. As a result, examining foreign policy in earlier periods involves conceptual and terminological difficulties, which echo current debates on ''post-national'' foreign policy actors like the European Union or global cities.This volume argues that a novel understanding of what constitutes foreign policy may offer a way out of this problem. It considers foreign policy as the outcome of processes that make some boundaries different from others, and set those that separate communities in an internal space apart from thosethat mark foreignness. The creation of such boundaries, which can be observed at all times, designates specific actors - which can be, but do not have to be, ''states'' - as capable of engaging in foreign policy. As such boundaries are likely to be contested, they are unlikely to provide either a single or a simple distinction between ''insides'' and ''outsides''. In this view, multiple layers of foreign-policy actors with different characteristics appear less as a modern development and more as aperennial aspect of foreign policy. In a broad perspective stretching from early Greek polities to present-day global cities, the volume offers a theoretical and empirical presentation of this concept by political scientists, jurists, and historians.

The study of foreign policy is usually concerned with the interaction of states, and thus with governance structures which emerged either with the so-called ''Westphalian system'' or in the course of the 18th century: diplomacy and international law. As a result, examining foreign policy in earlier periods involves conceptual and terminological difficulties, which echo current debates on ''post-national'' foreign policy actors like the European Union or global cities.This volume argues that a novel understanding of what constitutes foreign policy may offer a way out of this problem. It considers foreign policy as the outcome of processes that make some boundaries different from others, and set those that separate communities in an internal space apart from thosethat mark foreignness. The creation of such boundaries, which can be observed at all times, designates specific actors - which can be, but do not have to be, ''states'' - as capable of engaging in foreign policy. As such boundaries are likely to be contested, they are unlikely to provide either a single or a simple distinction between ''insides'' and ''outsides''. In this view, multiple layers of foreign-policy actors with different characteristics appear less as a modern development and more as aperennial aspect of foreign policy. In a broad perspective stretching from early Greek polities to present-day global cities, the volume offers a theoretical and empirical presentation of this concept by political scientists, jurists, and historians.

'Peace' is often simplistically assumed to be war's opposite, and as such is not examined closely or critically idealized in the literature of peace studies, its crucial role in the justification of war is often overlooked. Starting from a critical view that the value of 'restoring peace' or 'keeping peace' is, and has been, regularly used as a pretext for military intervention, this book traces the conceptual history of peace in nineteenth century legal and political practice. It explores the role of the value of peace in shaping the public rhetoric and legitimizing action in general international relations, international law, international trade, colonialism, and armed conflict. Departing from the assumption that there is no peace as such, nor can there be, it examines the contradictory visions of peace that arise from conflict. These conflicting and antagonistic visions of peace are each linked to a set of motivations and interests as well as to a certain vision of legitimacy within the international realm. Each of them inevitably conveys the image of a specific enemy that has to be crushed in order to peace being installed. This book highlights the contradictions and paradoxes in nineteenth century discourses and practices of peace, particularly in Europe.

The study of foreign policy is usually concerned with the interaction of states, and thus with governance structures which emerged either with the so-called 'Westphalian system' or in the course of the 18th century: diplomacy and international law. As a result, examining foreign policy in earlier periods involves conceptual and terminological difficulties, which echo current debates on 'post-national' foreign policy actors like the European Union or global cities. This volume argues that a novel understanding of what constitutes foreign policy may offer a way out of this problem. It considers foreign policy as the outcome of processes that make some boundaries different from others, and set those that separate communities in an internal space apart from those that mark foreignness. The creation of such boundaries, which can be observed at all times, designates specific actors - which can be, but do not have to be, 'states' - as capable of engaging in foreign policy. As such boundaries are likely to be contested, they are unlikely to provide either a single or a simple distinction between 'insides' and 'outsides'. In this view, multiple layers of foreign-policy actors with different characteristics appear less as a modern development and more as a perennial aspect of foreign policy. In a broad perspective stretching from early Greek polities to present-day global cities, the volume offers a theoretical and empirical presentation of this concept by political scientists, jurists, and historians.

Der derzeitige Trend zur Ethisierung wissenschaftlicher Fragen sollte nicht für selbstverständlich genommen werden. Zwar geht der aktuelle Impuls von den Biowissenschaften aus, womöglich übergeht er aber die Bedürfnisse und Eigenheiten anderer Disziplinen.

Im vorliegenden Buch wird nach den Prämissen der derzeitigen Diskussion und ihrer Generalisierbarkeit gefragt: Ist es richtig, daß die aktuellen Fortschritte in den Lebenswissenschaften mit dem herkömmlichen ethischen Instrumentarium nicht mehr bewältigbar sind? Besteht in anderen Wissenschaften ein vergleichbarer Normierungsbedarf? Auch Kommerzialisierung und Privatisierung von Wissen und Wissenschaft scheinen das hergebrachte ethische Selbstverständnis ganzer Fächer auf den Prüfstand zu stellen.

Die Beiträge des interdisziplinär konzipierten Bandes unterziehen das Thema systematisch immer wieder unkonventionellen Perspektivenwechseln. Von der Ethik des einzelnen Forschers zu der Ethik einer Gruppe, von der Geschichte ethischer Standards zu den gegenwärtigen Normen, von disziplinübergreifenden Fragen zu spezifisch disziplinären Problemen.

Seckendorffs »Teutsche Reden« von 1691 und der im Anschluss an sie abgedruckte Naturrechtsentwurf sind ein einzigartiges Zeugnis deutscher Barockkultur: Seckendorff ist im 17. Jahrhundert der einzige adlige Praktiker von Hof und Politik, der einen Teil seiner eigenen Reden noch zu Lebzeiten in Buchform veröffentlichte und darüber hinaus noch einen theoretischen Überbau zu dieser Praxis entwarf! Es geht in dieser Funktionsbestimmung um den Zusammenhang von Zivilisation und Sprachkultur und um die Abhängigkeit der öffentlichen Rede von der Staatsformenfrage. Fürst, Beamten und Untertanen werden verschiedene Rollen zugewiesen. Der Fragment gebliebene und bis dahin nicht publizierte Naturrechtsentwurf zeigt die kritische Auseinandersetzung eines bedeutenden Staats- und Verwaltungsrechtlers mit dem aufkommenden säkularen Naturrecht. Hugo Grotius'' Theorie wird rezipiert, aber aus Sicht der von Seckendorff repräsentierten protestantischen Rechtstheologie ambivalent bewertet. Seckendorff bekräftigt am Vorabend der europäischen Aufklärung noch einmal den Wert des älteren christlichen Naturrechts, voller Empathie und mit systematisierendem Zugriff. Alle in diesem Spätwerk Seckendorffs versammelten Texte entstammen der Feder eines theoretisch reflektierten Praktikers der Politik aus der zweiten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts. Sie ermöglichen damit einen tiefen Einblick in die politische Kultur einer als "absolutistisch" etikettierten Epoche.

Wolfgang Preiser (1903-1997) war Professor fur Strafrecht und Volkerrecht. Er grundete an der Universitat Frankfurt 1955 ein Institut fur Geschichte des Volkerrechts"e;. Diese Biografie erzahlt Preisers Leben und interpretiert sein Werk. Sie fut auf Recherchen in mehreren Archiven und verwendet Zeitzeugen-Interviews. Preiser interessierte sich fur die Ursprunge des Volkerrechts. Er behielt seine Faszination fur dessen fruheste Zeugnisse im Nahen Osten bei. In seinem Spatwerk widmete sich Preiser auereuropaischen Weltregionen und dortigen Erscheinungsformen von dem, was er als Volkerrecht erkannte. Die Studie ist daher ein Beitrag zum Begriff des Volkerrechts und den Problemen seiner historischen Erforschung jenseits des Eurozentrismus.