Andreas Fahrmeir – författare

The study of foreign policy is usually concerned with the interaction of states, and thus with governance structures which emerged either with the so-called ''Westphalian system'' or in the course of the 18th century: diplomacy and international law. As a result, examining foreign policy in earlier periods involves conceptual and terminological difficulties, which echo current debates on ''post-national'' foreign policy actors like the European Union or global cities.This volume argues that a novel understanding of what constitutes foreign policy may offer a way out of this problem. It considers foreign policy as the outcome of processes that make some boundaries different from others, and set those that separate communities in an internal space apart from thosethat mark foreignness. The creation of such boundaries, which can be observed at all times, designates specific actors - which can be, but do not have to be, ''states'' - as capable of engaging in foreign policy. As such boundaries are likely to be contested, they are unlikely to provide either a single or a simple distinction between ''insides'' and ''outsides''. In this view, multiple layers of foreign-policy actors with different characteristics appear less as a modern development and more as aperennial aspect of foreign policy. In a broad perspective stretching from early Greek polities to present-day global cities, the volume offers a theoretical and empirical presentation of this concept by political scientists, jurists, and historians.

The study of foreign policy is usually concerned with the interaction of states, and thus with governance structures which emerged either with the so-called ''Westphalian system'' or in the course of the 18th century: diplomacy and international law. As a result, examining foreign policy in earlier periods involves conceptual and terminological difficulties, which echo current debates on ''post-national'' foreign policy actors like the European Union or global cities.This volume argues that a novel understanding of what constitutes foreign policy may offer a way out of this problem. It considers foreign policy as the outcome of processes that make some boundaries different from others, and set those that separate communities in an internal space apart from thosethat mark foreignness. The creation of such boundaries, which can be observed at all times, designates specific actors - which can be, but do not have to be, ''states'' - as capable of engaging in foreign policy. As such boundaries are likely to be contested, they are unlikely to provide either a single or a simple distinction between ''insides'' and ''outsides''. In this view, multiple layers of foreign-policy actors with different characteristics appear less as a modern development and more as aperennial aspect of foreign policy. In a broad perspective stretching from early Greek polities to present-day global cities, the volume offers a theoretical and empirical presentation of this concept by political scientists, jurists, and historians.

The study of foreign policy is usually concerned with the interaction of states, and thus with governance structures which emerged either with the so-called 'Westphalian system' or in the course of the 18th century: diplomacy and international law. As a result, examining foreign policy in earlier periods involves conceptual and terminological difficulties, which echo current debates on 'post-national' foreign policy actors like the European Union or global cities. This volume argues that a novel understanding of what constitutes foreign policy may offer a way out of this problem. It considers foreign policy as the outcome of processes that make some boundaries different from others, and set those that separate communities in an internal space apart from those that mark foreignness. The creation of such boundaries, which can be observed at all times, designates specific actors - which can be, but do not have to be, 'states' - as capable of engaging in foreign policy. As such boundaries are likely to be contested, they are unlikely to provide either a single or a simple distinction between 'insides' and 'outsides'. In this view, multiple layers of foreign-policy actors with different characteristics appear less as a modern development and more as a perennial aspect of foreign policy. In a broad perspective stretching from early Greek polities to present-day global cities, the volume offers a theoretical and empirical presentation of this concept by political scientists, jurists, and historians.

The migration movements of the 20th century have led to an increased interest in similarly dramatic population changes in the preceding century. The contributors to this volume - legal scholars, sociologists, political scientist and historians - focus on migration control in the 19th century, concentrating on three areas in particular: the impact of the French Revolution on the development of modern citizenship laws and on the development of new forms of migration control in France and elsewhere; the theory and practice of migration control in various European states is examined, focusing on the control of paupers, emigrants and "ordinary" travelers as well as on the interrelationship between the different administrative levels - local, regional and national - at which migration control was exercised. Finally, on the development of migration control in two countries of immigration: the United States and France. Taken altogether, these essays demonstrate conclusively that the image of the 19th century as a liberal era during which migration was unaffected by state intervention is untenable and in serious need of revision.

From the last decade of the 18th century, European states began to define nationality more rigorously. Regulations covering matters as diverse as passports, residence permits, taxes, and admission to university examinations made clear that nationality mattered more than rank. Drawing on the files of central and regional administrations and on individual case studies and travel accounts, the author offers a detailed examination of the practical consequences of alien status in liberal England and in the comparatively restrictive German states. In the latter all citizens of other German states were considered foreigners, whereas in the United Kingdom Irish immigrants were by law British subjects along with all other persons born on British soil. These differences in legal definition of citizenship should have far-reaching consequences for the development of modern nation states, consequences the effects of which can be felt to this day.

The migration movements of the 20th century have led to an increased interest in similarly dramatic population changes in the preceding century. The contributors to this volume - legal scholars, sociologists, political scientist and historians - focus on migration control in the 19th century, concentrating on three areas in particular: the impact of the French Revolution on the development of modern citizenship laws and on the development of new forms of migration control in France and elsewhere; the theory and practice of migration control in various European states is examined, focusing on the control of paupers, emigrants and "ordinary" travelers as well as on the interrelationship between the different administrative levels - local, regional and national - at which migration control was exercised. Finally, on the development of migration control in two countries of immigration: the United States and France. Taken altogether, these essays demonstrate conclusively that the image of the 19th century as a liberal era during which migration was unaffected by state intervention is untenable and in serious need of revision.

The migration movements of the 20th century have led to an increased interest in similarly dramatic population changes in the preceding century. The contributors to this volume - legal scholars, sociologists, political scientist and historians - focus on migration control in the 19th century, concentrating on three areas in particular: the impact of the French Revolution on the development of modern citizenship laws and on the development of new forms of migration control in France and elsewhere; the theory and practice of migration control in various European states is examined, focusing on the control of paupers, emigrants and "e;ordinary"e; travelers as well as on the interrelationship between the different administrative levels - local, regional and national - at which migration control was exercised. Finally, on the development of migration control in two countries of immigration: the United States and France. Taken altogether, these essays demonstrate conclusively that the image of the 19th century as a liberal era during which migration was unaffected by state intervention is untenable and in serious need of revision.

Die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der eigenen Industrie war (spätestens) seit dem 19. Jahrhundert immer wieder Gegenstand sorgenvoller Blicke auf eigene Schwächen und fremde Stärken. Am Beispiel britischer und deutscher Debatten der jüngeren Vergangenheit untersucht der Band Erfolg und Misserfolg unterschiedlicher Strategien von Maßnahmen zur Steigerung individueller Leistungsbereitschaft bis hin zu großen Reformprojekten wie dem "Thatcherismus".

Der Sammelband untersucht - in Deutschland erstmalig - die Entwicklung von Korruptionspraktiken und -debatten von der Frühen Neuzeit bis in die Gegenwart. Die Fallstudien zeigen, wie sich die Definition und die Akzeptanz von Korruption und verwandten Handlungsmustern wandelten. In frühneuzeitlichen Kontexten waren diese offensichtlich und alltäglich. Staatliche Modernisierung und Verrechtlichung trugen ab dem 19. Jahrhundert auf einer normativen Ebene zur Trennung von Privatsphäre und Öffentlichkeit bei, verdrängten jedoch korrupte Praktiken nicht. Diese hatten weiterhin eine wichtige Funktion, sei es als Teil eines politischen Systems, sei es als Anlass für Auseinandersetzungen über Moral und politische Werte. Die Modernisierung in der Neueren Geschichte zeigt sich weniger in der Zurückdrängung von Verflechtung und Do-ut-des-Beziehungen als vielmehr in ihrer öffentlich zur Schau gestellten Delegitimierung.

Die napoleonischen Kriege hatten ganz Europa direkt oder indirekt getroffen, und so ist der Übergang vom Krieg zum Frieden 1814/15 auf dem ganzen Kontinent zu spüren. Europa 1848/50: erfolgreiche und erfolglose Revolutionen unter anderem in Frankreich, in Teilen Deutschlands, in Polen, in Ungarn und in Sizilien. In weiten Teilen Europas markierten die Jahre 1815 und 1850 also politische Zäsuren. Auch die Jahrzehnte dazwischen hatten es in sich: Wiener Kongress, Neuordnung Europas und erste Nationalstaatsgründungen. Ein Anstieg der Bevölkerung, der als Bevölkerungsexplosion bezeichnet werden kann. Wohlstand, aber auch Pauperismus infolge der ersten Industrialisierung. Innenpolitische Auseinandersetzungen um die politische Verfassung von Staaten, Nationen, Reichen oder Föderationen: Europa zwischen Restauration, Reformation und Revolution. Andreas Fahrmeir gelingt es, diese und viele weitere Aspekte der ersten Hälfte des „kurzen" 19. Jahrhunderts übersichtlich und souverän darzustellen. In bewährter Manier wird die Darstellung der Epoche durch eine Forschungsdiskussion ergänzt: Was hat der „cultural turn“ an der Sicht der Epoche verändert und wo ist - durch die Problematisierung scheinbar etablierter Begriffe wie Nation, Bürgertum oder Industrie - neuer Forschungsbedarf entstanden? Eine wohlproportionierte Bibliographie schließlich hilft dem Leser, sich im Dickicht der Forschungsliteratur zurechtzufinden.