Richard Rose – författare

A unique comparative examination of the different ways in which modern democratic societies provide welfare today, with special attention to the US, Japan, Britain, Scandinavia, West Germany, and Israel.

Ministers and their ministries are the means by which we hold government accountable for providing vital public services such as adequate health, education, and social security benefits. In this provocative book the author systematically examines the persisting and changing features of Whitehall ministries since 1945. Three case studies - the Scottish Office, the Welsh Office, and the Northern Ireland Office - provide detailed illustrations of the complexity of the issues involved.Professor Rose's analysis raises fresh questions about the priorities of politicians as individuals, and about public priorities involving tens of billions of pounds and millions of public servants. His concluding chapter argues that Mrs Thatcher's attempt to introduce techniques of business management into government is based upon a fundamental misunderstanding of the priorities of ministers and ministries.

Representing Europeans takes a fresh and quizzical look at the problems facing the European Union. Bringing decades of experience to bear on the deep, structural problems currently facing the EU, Richard Rose spells out why it can no longer carry on with integration by stealth. Extraordinary challenges — such as saving the Eurozone and maintaining the free movement of peoples — now impose high-profile economic and political costs. These create huge political strains which EU institutions struggle to cope with. Rose shows the ways in which Europe's institutions do and do not represent its citizens, sometimes equally and sometimes unequally. This threatens worse crises of EU authority because people retain the power as national citizens to protest against their government making commitments in Brussels that they do not accept. The book's pragmatic approach rejects the assumption that more European integration is the solution for all of Europes problems. Likewise, it rejects UK withdrawal from the European Union because Britain cannot stop the world and get off. Instead, it suggests a pragmatic approach that asks about proposals emanating from Brussels: What problem does it address? How will this policy work? What are its visible costs and benefits? Instead of 'one size fits all' policies being imposed on 27 diverse countries, Rose recommends that enhanced European cooperation should be based on coalitions of the willing. Moreover, the active use of pan-European referendums on major reforms can test popular commitment to EU treaties that permanently advance European integration. Both European federalists and diehard Eurosceptics will alternately agree and disagree with the argument of this book. But they cannot ignore the challenge it raises to pay more attention to the concerns of the half a billion Europeans whom they claim to represent. The paperback edition contains a substantial new Preface.

This innovative book shows that the health, education, and employment of billions of people have been improving on every continent in the past three decades. The globalization of welfare has had the biggest impact in developing countries, where more than five-sixths of the world's population lives. In Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East there has been great progress in eradicating infant mortality and illiteracy, people are living longer, and more young people are able to obtain a secondary education. These achievements are the product of a welfare mix combining resources of the household, the market, and the state. Given low starting points, only a minority of developing countries have already caught up with the high standards of welfare in Europe, the United States and Canada, and the Asia Pacific region. Slow but steady rates of progress show that people in a majority of developing countries can expect to catch up with the high, fixed standards of welfare in the next three decades. This will happen sooner in China and later in India, because China has been unusually successful in using its resources to promote welfare while India has been below the global average. These conclusions are based on Richard Rose's systematic analysis of the Global Welfare Database, which combines official and unofficial data covering 95 per cent of the world's population. The success of highly developed countries raises questions about how much is enough welfare. At what age will young people learn more by leaving classrooms and becoming employees? Is length of life or quality of life more important for older people? Should unpaid work caring for children and older family members have the same value as working and paying taxes in the official economy?

Representing Europeans takes a fresh and quizzical look at the problems facing the European Union. Bringing decades of experience to bear on the deep, structural problems currently facing the EU, Richard Rose spells out why it can no longer carry on with integration by stealth. Extraordinary challenges -- such as saving the Eurozone and maintaining the free movement of peoples -- now impose high-profile economic and political costs. These create huge political strains which EU institutions struggle to cope with. Rose shows the ways in which Europe's institutions do and do not represent its citizens, sometimes equally and sometimes unequally. This threatens worse crises of EU authority because people retain the power as national citizens to protest against their government making commitments in Brussels that they do not accept. The book's pragmatic approach rejects the assumption that more European integration is the solution for all of Europes problems. Likewise, it rejects UK withdrawal from the European Union because Britain cannot stop the world and get off. Instead, it suggests a pragmatic approach that asks about proposals emanating from Brussels: What problem does it address? How will this policy work? What are its visible costs and benefits? Instead of 'one size fits all' policies being imposed on 27 diverse countries, Rose recommends that enhanced European cooperation should be based on coalitions of the willing. Moreover, the active use of pan-European referendums on major reforms can test popular commitment to EU treaties that permanently advance European integration. Both European federalists and diehard Eurosceptics will alternately agree and disagree with the argument of this book. But they cannot ignore the challenge it raises to pay more attention to the concerns of the half a billion Europeans whom they claim to represent.

Although politicians promise innovation and change when they run for office, once elected they face inherited commitments to programs initiated by their predecessors, legacies that severely limit their freedom of choice. In this trail blazing work, Richard Rose and Phillip L. Davies systematically examine the ways in which decisions made by past generations of administrators control policy-making in the present.Basing their conclusions on a unique study of hundreds of public programs in effect in Britain since the end of World War II, Rose and Davies show that the impact of an administration's choices is greatest long after its term is concluded. Even though individual politicians have left office, their agenda is carried forward by the force of political inertia—the laws, public agencies, and budgets in continuing effect and the expectations of beneficiaries.The limited choices that each administration makes are of two very different types. Some reflect careful deliberation over the years and are incorporated in the legacy of successive administrations. Others are trial-and-error attempts to deal with dissatisfaction arising from conditions that often lead to failure. The authors test three theories to account for differences in the persistence of particular types of policy. They conclude that the biggest stimulus for choice (and failure) comes from the turbulence of the market. Social programs are adopted much less often but are much more durable because they concern the enduring needs of families.

The purpose of this book is to provide a complete and accurate compilation of election results in Western nations since the beginning of competitive national elections. It aims to provide accurate, unambiguous data about elections in 25 different countries. This process calls attention to the way in which parties and party systems change within a country. In compiling this almanac the authors also emphasize the difficulty in obtaining "facts" about political events, especially statistical information about elections. There are also problems involving the splits and mergers of political parties. The countries covered are advanced industrialized nations which have regularly held competitive elections since the end of World War Two. This new edition includes chapters on Greece, Portugal and Spain. As a whole, the book hopes to contribute to our knowledge of free elections past and present.

Current policy demands that mainstream schools seek to include pupils with special educational needs. This book takes a close look at how exactly this aim can be achieved by examining the various parts of the educational process. The book discusses:the practicalities of inclusive educationthe gap between inclusive policy and practicea re-configured role for special schoolshow the process of inclusion will develop beyond the classroom.Individuals who have learning difficulties are increasingly finding their place in non-specialist schools. This book considers the ways in which society can continue to support the process of inclusion as full-time education leads on to employment and independent living. The text reflects current developments in thinking and practice, and brings together a broad range of expertise and experience - it brims with enthusiasm for a positive approach that leads on to practical success.

This book considers current issues in the development of policies to promote inclusive education for pupils with special educational needs. By examining issues from the perspective of individual pupils, schools, and local education authorities, it raises critical commentary on the ways forward for a co-ordinated approach to inclusion.Strategies to Promote Inclusive Practice draws upon the experience and expertise of teachers, policy makers, and researchers, who explore the many factors which need to be addressed in the development of a more inclusive education system. The authors explore the link between theoretical perspectives and the production of policy, as well as the potential for translating this into good classroom practice. They provide examples of approaches which have proved successful in enabling pupils to become better equipped to address the needs of a wide range of pupils. In considering the impact of recent policy, legislation, and research, the authors suggest that several models of inclusion may be necessary in order to become an inclusive education system.This book will be of interest to students, teachers, policy makers, and researchers, who are concerned to advance the debate on inclusion towards a more pragmatic approach to providing for all pupils with special needs. It is a companion text to Promoting Inclusive Practice edited by Christine Tilstone, Lani Florian and Richard Rose (RoutledgeFalmer, 1998), which was the joint winner of the 1999 TES/NASEN Academic Book Award.

This book considers current issues in the development of policies to promote inclusive education for pupils with special educational needs. By examining issues from the perspective of individual pupils, schools, and local education authorities, it raises critical commentary on the ways forward for a co-ordinated approach to inclusion.Strategies to Promote Inclusive Practice draws upon the experience and expertise of teachers, policy makers, and researchers, who explore the many factors which need to be addressed in the development of a more inclusive education system. The authors explore the link between theoretical perspectives and the production of policy, as well as the potential for translating this into good classroom practice. They provide examples of approaches which have proved successful in enabling pupils to become better equipped to address the needs of a wide range of pupils. In considering the impact of recent policy, legislation, and research, the authors suggest that several models of inclusion may be necessary in order to become an inclusive education system.This book will be of interest to students, teachers, policy makers, and researchers, who are concerned to advance the debate on inclusion towards a more pragmatic approach to providing for all pupils with special needs. It is a companion text to Promoting Inclusive Practice edited by Christine Tilstone, Lani Florian and Richard Rose (RoutledgeFalmer, 1998), which was the joint winner of the 1999 TES/NASEN Academic Book Award.

This textbook offers a fresh approach to the study of comparative politics and public policy. Instead of concentrating on why countries differ, Learning From Comparative Public Policy explores how countries can learn from each other about the success and failure of policy initiatives. With its theory and practice focus, the lively narrative analyzes the cultural and resources problems involved in importing policies, and the roles of institutions, regulators, think tanks and experts.In addition to explaining the key tenets of policy analysis, the internationally renowned author offers a wide variety of international case studies and useful boxes to highlight examples. Invaluable reading for students of public policy, for policy makers and practitioners working in the public sector, it includes:* learning from comparison* defining a problem and creating awareness* where to look for lessons* applying the policy model* the problems of importing models* using terms to evaluate future consequences.

This textbook offers a fresh approach to the study of comparative politics and public policy. Instead of concentrating on why countries differ, Learning From Comparative Public Policy explores how countries can learn from each other about the success and failure of policy initiatives. With its theory and practice focus, the lively narrative analyzes the cultural and resources problems involved in importing policies, and the roles of institutions, regulators, think tanks and experts.In addition to explaining the key tenets of policy analysis, the internationally renowned author offers a wide variety of international case studies and useful boxes to highlight examples. Invaluable reading for students of public policy, for policy makers and practitioners working in the public sector, it includes:* learning from comparison* defining a problem and creating awareness* where to look for lessons* applying the policy model* the problems of importing models* using terms to evaluate future consequences.

The fall of the Berlin Wall launched the transformation of government, economy and society across half of Europe and the former Soviet Union. This text deals with the process of change in former Communist bloc countries, ten of which have become new European Union (EU) democracies while Russia and her neighbours remain burdened by their Soviet legacy.Drawing on more than a hundred public opinion surveys from the New Europe Barometer, the text compares how ordinary people have coped with the stresses and opportunities of transforming Communist societies into post-Communist societies and the resulting differences between peoples in the new EU member states and Russia. Subjects covered by Understanding Post-Communist Transformation include: Stresses and opportunities of economic transformation Social capital and the development of civil society Elections and the complexities of party politics The challenges for the EU of raising standards of democratic governance Differences between Russia’s and the West’s interpretation of political lifeWritten by one of the world's most renowned authorities on this subject, this text is ideal for courses on transition, post-communism, democratization and Russian and Eastern European history and politics.

The fall of the Berlin Wall launched the transformation of government, economy and society across half of Europe and the former Soviet Union. This text deals with the process of change in former Communist bloc countries, ten of which have become new European Union (EU) democracies while Russia and her neighbours remain burdened by their Soviet legacy.Drawing on more than a hundred public opinion surveys from the New Europe Barometer, the text compares how ordinary people have coped with the stresses and opportunities of transforming Communist societies into post-Communist societies and the resulting differences between peoples in the new EU member states and Russia. Subjects covered by Understanding Post-Communist Transformation include: Stresses and opportunities of economic transformation Social capital and the development of civil society Elections and the complexities of party politics The challenges for the EU of raising standards of democratic governance Differences between Russia’s and the West’s interpretation of political lifeWritten by one of the world's most renowned authorities on this subject, this text is ideal for courses on transition, post-communism, democratization and Russian and Eastern European history and politics.

Confronting Obstacles to Inclusion uniquely and comprehensively addresses interpretations of inclusive education by drawing upon the experiences and expertise of leading writers and academics who have direct experience of teaching and researching this area around the world. This landmark publication combines theoretical chapters with practical material demonstrating how the theories can be put in to action in the classroom. The contributors, who all have regular contact with pupils and teachers in inclusive settings, provide a broad spectrum of ideas, examine a number of key themes and interpret these in an international context, such as: the causes of exclusion, the obstacles to inclusion and how these can be overcomesupporting families how we can learn from students professional development enhancing teaching and learning support in the classroom.This authoritative text will be of immense interest and use to practitioners, policy-makers, researchers and campaigners who are working towards a more equitable and inclusive society. Through a synthesis of theory and practice the book offers readers an opportunity to explore local, national and international perspectives and raises questions with regards to our current understanding of inclusion. Whilst the interrogation of the concept of inclusion is, in itself important, the book provides examples of professional approaches to the key questions which are currently challenging the education of a diverse range of learners.

Confronting Obstacles to Inclusion uniquely and comprehensively addresses interpretations of inclusive education by drawing upon the experiences and expertise of leading writers and academics who have direct experience of teaching and researching this area around the world. This landmark publication combines theoretical chapters with practical material demonstrating how the theories can be put in to action in the classroom. The contributors, who all have regular contact with pupils and teachers in inclusive settings, provide a broad spectrum of ideas, examine a number of key themes and interpret these in an international context, such as: the causes of exclusion, the obstacles to inclusion and how these can be overcomesupporting families how we can learn from students professional development enhancing teaching and learning support in the classroom.This authoritative text will be of immense interest and use to practitioners, policy-makers, researchers and campaigners who are working towards a more equitable and inclusive society. Through a synthesis of theory and practice the book offers readers an opportunity to explore local, national and international perspectives and raises questions with regards to our current understanding of inclusion. Whilst the interrogation of the concept of inclusion is, in itself important, the book provides examples of professional approaches to the key questions which are currently challenging the education of a diverse range of learners.

Russians want both free elections and order, but order - a sense of predictability in everyday life and the rule of law - has been in short supply. This is the challenge that Russia presents to Vladimir Putin. This 2002 book is about Russia's attempt to achieve democratization backwards, holding elections without having created a modern state. It examines the multiplication of parties that do not hold the Kremlin accountable; the success of Vladimir Putin in offering a 'third way' alternative to the Communist Party and the Yeltsin family; the president's big but vague election mandate; the popular appeal and limits of Putin's coalition; and what the Russian people make of the combination of free elections and disorderly government. Russia is evaluated from the point of view of ordinary Russians, using clear figures and tables drawn from the rich resources of a decade of New Russia Barometer surveys of public opinion.

Conflicting pressures to increase public expenditure and restrict taxation have created fiscal stress in many major cities. In Britain, the problem is highlighted because central government is responsible for so large a portion of local government revenue, but not for its spending. The object of this book is to identify the extent, the causes and consequences of fiscal stress as it affected local government in the 1980s. To do this, the editors have brought together a multidisciplinary team of scholars working on the substantive problems facing cities, as well as experts in the urban economy and central-local government relations.

Originally published in 1985, this book provided comprehensive information on the nature and status of public employment in six western nations - Britain, America, France, Germany, Italy and Sweden. Beginning with a generalised account of public employment and its significance, the text moves through each of the six nations, devoting chapters to all of them. Through an abundant use of comparable statistics and the examination of substantial differences between states, a detailed analysis of public employment is developed. This analysis is enriched by its collaborative basis, with Rose, as the central editor and author, teaming up with a variety of experts from the field. As a significant example of comparative investigation and an important document of its age, this book will be invaluable to anyone with an interest in public employment and the nature of western government.

To survive, all forms of government require popular support, whether voluntary or involuntary. Following the collapse of the Soviet system, Russia's rulers took steps toward democracy, yet under Vladimir Putin Russia has become increasingly undemocratic. This book uses a unique source of evidence, eighteen surveys of Russian public opinion from the first month of the new regime in 1992 up to 2009, to track the changing views of Russians. Clearly presented and sophisticated figures and tables show how political support has increased because of a sense of resignation that is even stronger than the unstable benefits of exporting oil and gas. Whilst comparative analyses of surveys on other continents show that Russia's elite is not alone in being able to mobilize popular support for an undemocratic regime, Russia provides an outstanding caution that popular support can grow when governors reject democracy and create an undemocratic regime.

Since the fall of communism Russia has undergone a treble transformation of its political, social and economic system. The government is an autocracy in which the Kremlin manages elections and administers the law to suit its own ends. It does not provide the democracy that most citizens desire. Given a contradiction between what Russians want and what they get, do they support their government and, if so, why? Using the New Russia Barometer - a unique set of public opinion surveys from 1992 to 2005 - this book shows that it is the passage of time that has been most important in developing support for the new regime. Although there remains great dissatisfaction with the regime's corruption, it has become accepted as a lesser evil to alternatives. The government appears stable today, but will be challenged by constitutional term limits forcing President Putin to leave office in 2008.

Russians want both free elections and order, but order - a sense of predictability in everyday life and the rule of law - has been in short supply. This is the challenge that Russia presents to Vladimir Putin. This 2002 book is about Russia's attempt to achieve democratization backwards, holding elections without having created a modern state. It examines the multiplication of parties that do not hold the Kremlin accountable; the success of Vladimir Putin in offering a 'third way' alternative to the Communist Party and the Yeltsin family; the president's big but vague election mandate; the popular appeal and limits of Putin's coalition; and what the Russian people make of the combination of free elections and disorderly government. Russia is evaluated from the point of view of ordinary Russians, using clear figures and tables drawn from the rich resources of a decade of New Russia Barometer surveys of public opinion.

Since the fall of communism Russia has undergone a treble transformation of its political, social and economic system. The government is an autocracy in which the Kremlin manages elections and administers the law to suit its own ends. It does not provide the democracy that most citizens desire. Given a contradiction between what Russians want and what they get, do they support their government and, if so, why? Using the New Russia Barometer - a unique set of public opinion surveys from 1992 to 2005 - this book shows that it is the passage of time that has been most important in developing support for the new regime. Although there remains great dissatisfaction with the regime's corruption, it has become accepted as a lesser evil to alternatives. The government appears stable today, but will be challenged by constitutional term limits forcing President Putin to leave office in 2008.

The collapse of communism has created the opportunity for democracy to spread from Prague to the Baltic and the Black seas. But the alternatives - dictatorship or totalitarian rule - are more in keeping with the traditions of Central and Eastern Europe. Will people put up with new democracies which are associated with inflation, unemployment, crime and corruption? Or will they return to some form of authoritarian regime? Half a century ago, Winston Churchill predicted that people will accept democracy with all its faults - because it is better than anything else that has ever been tried. To find out if Churchill was right, this book analyses a unique source of evidence about public opinion, the New Democracies Barometer, covering the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, Poland, Slovenia, Bulgaria, Romania, Belarus and Ukraine.The authors find that there is widespread popular support for democracy compared to communism, dictatorship and military rule. People who have been denied democratic freedoms value new political rights more highly. Economic concerns are second in importance. If democracy fails, it will be because political elites have abused their power, not because the public does not want democracy.Looking at post-communist Europe makes us think again about democracy in countries where it is taken for granted. The abrupt transition to democracy in post-communist countries is normal; gradual evolution in the Anglo-American style is the exception to the rule. Complaints in Western countries about democracy being less than ideal reflect confidence that there is no alternative. Post-communist citizens do not have this luxury: they must make the most of what they have.This important book makes an important contribution to current debates about democratization and democratic theory and to the growing literature on the social and political changes taking place in post-communist societies. It will be of particular interest to students and scholars in politics and sociology.

The collapse of communism has created the opportunity for democracy to spread from Prague to the Baltic and the Black seas. But the alternatives - dictatorship or totalitarian rule - are more in keeping with the traditions of Central and Eastern Europe. Will people put up with new democracies which are associated with inflation, unemployment, crime and corruption? Or will they return to some form of authoritarian regime? Half a century ago, Winston Churchill predicted that people will accept democracy with all its faults - because it is better than anything else that has ever been tried. To find out if Churchill was right, this book analyses a unique source of evidence about public opinion, the New Democracies Barometer, covering the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, Poland, Slovenia, Bulgaria, Romania, Belarus and Ukraine.The authors find that there is widespread popular support for democracy compared to communism, dictatorship and military rule. People who have been denied democratic freedoms value new political rights more highly. Economic concerns are second in importance. If democracy fails, it will be because political elites have abused their power, not because the public does not want democracy.Looking at post-communist Europe makes us think again about democracy in countries where it is taken for granted. The abrupt transition to democracy in post-communist countries is normal; gradual evolution in the Anglo-American style is the exception to the rule. Complaints in Western countries about democracy being less than ideal reflect confidence that there is no alternative. Post-communist citizens do not have this luxury: they must make the most of what they have.This important book makes an important contribution to current debates about democratization and democratic theory and to the growing literature on the social and political changes taking place in post-communist societies. It will be of particular interest to students and scholars in politics and sociology.

In the days when Winston Churchill and Clement Attlee faced each other in the House of Commons, there was disagreement about whose hands should be on the Mace, the symbol of power at Westminster. Everyone assumed that the hands on the Mace would be British. In the past half century, the Prime Minister's power at Westminster has increased greatly, but it has diminished in the worlds beyond.In Westminster, the Prime Minister is now first without equal. But in councils of the European Union, he or she is only one among fifteen national leaders. In a shrinking world the chief issues facing Downing Street today are 'intermestic', an amalgam of domestic politics and international concerns. Tony Blair may say that he is batting for Britain, but cricket skills are no match for an American president playing hard ball, and policy-making in the European Union is definitely not cricket. In an era of television politics, the faces and voices of Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair are familiar to every voter, and the press cooperates in turning politicians into media celebrities. But what you see on the box is politics; it has little to do with the policies of British government. Old-school leaders such as Harold Macmillan devoted as much time to policy as to politics. But new-style prime ministers put politics first. Tony Blair wants to speak for all the British people, but the result is 'managed populism', for his voice travels down a one-way street. In Whitehall, Blair's Third Way blunts the cutting edge of policy, leaving officials puzzled about what to do when hard choices arise, especially about Europe. Anyone interested in politics and current affairs, whether a student or a thoughtful reader and viewer, will find insight and illumination in a book that draws on the author's unrivalled first-hand knowledge of British politics over the past half century. Richard Rose's work has been recognized by a lifetime achievement award from the Political Studies Association. He is a Fellow of the British Academy and director of the Centre for the Study of Public Policy at the University of Strathclyde.