Polisrätt och vapenlagar

Denna bok riktar sig till förtroendevalda och anställda i kommuner och regioner, till praktiserande jurister, till förvaltningsdomstolar och statliga myndigheter, till utbildningen i förvaltningsrätt men också till den kommunalt intresserade allmänheten. I denna sjunde utgåva av Kommunallagen med kommentarer och praxis redovisas lagändringar och praxis fram till och med juli 2025. En nyhet är att en kommentar till lagen (2022:629) om proportionella val i kommuner och regioner har lagts till i bokens sista kapitel.

Detta är en lärobok om den rättsliga grunden för polisens användning av våld enligt svensk rätt. Vid sidan av att analysera de rättsliga regler som gäller är bokens övergripande ambition tudelad. För det första framhålls de konstitutionella rättsstatsdimensioner som polisens användning av våld har, och då särskilt i förhållande till de mänskliga rättigheterna. För det andra tydliggörs förhållandet mellan ett ingripande som sker, å ena sidan, i laga befogenhet enligt polislagen, och, å andra sidan, i nödvärn eller i nöd enligt brottsbalken. I tillägg framförs vissa rättspolitiska synpunkter de lege ferenda. Polisens användning av våld är avsedd att användas i första hand som lärobok i polisutbildningen, men kan också vara av intresse för åklagare, domare eller andra som är intresserade av frågan. Verket är tänkt att kunna användas på alla nivåer i utbildningen och innehållet är därför stundtals mer detaljerat än vad en grundläggande lärobok normalt skulle göra anspråk på. Boken förutsätter kunskaper i straffrätt.

Denna bok är en framställning om kommunalrätt i vid bemärkelse. Här behandlas frågor om den kommunala kompetensen, alltså vad en kommun får och inte får syssla med. Vidare beskrivs och diskuteras den kommunala beslutsprocessen och kontroll av kommunal verksamhet. Stor vikt läggs vid de olika roller och funktioner som en kommun har. Kommunen är ju en del av rättsstaten och välfärdsstaten, en demokratisk plattform och ett organ för kanalisering av den lokala demokratin. Ibland uppträder också kommunen som näringsidkare. Alla dessa olika roller och funktioner skapar inte bara politiska utan även rättsliga spänningar och konflikter, som uppmärksammas i boken. Boken riktar sig till studenter på högskolan, kommunala förtroendevalda samt övriga som har kontakter med kommunen eller vill lära mer.

Kommunalrätt - en introduktion för professionsutbildningar är en kortfattad beskrivning av den rättsliga regleringen rörande kommunerna och landstingen, med fokus lagd på den kommunala självständigheten och organiserandet av beslutsfattande instanser m.m. Regeringsformen och den nya kommunallagen står i centrum för framställningen, och bl.a. likställighetsprincipen och medborgarinflytandet belyses. Boken innehåller också ett avsnitt om relevant arbetsrättslig lagstiftning. Lagen om offentlig upphandling behandlas liksom regler om överklagande om kommunala beslut. Boken ger dessutom en kort introduktion till EU-rättslig lagstiftning och dess påverkan på den kommunala och landstingskommunala verksamheten.

Denna andra upplaga är uppdaterad med den nya kommunallagen (2017:725) och med den nya lagen (2016:1145) om offentlig upphandling. Vissa andra kapitel är också helt nyskrivna och uppdaterade. Boken lämpar sig särskilt för kursdeltagare och andra som är eller kommer att vara yrkesverksamma inom kommun och landsting men också för andra som vill ha en lättillgänglig introduktion till viktiga lagar som styr verksamheter i kommuner och landsting.

Om författarnaFörfattarna har lång erfarenhet av såväl undervisning och forskning om den offentliga förvaltningen som av arbete och uppdrag inom den offentliga sektorn.

Behovet av ordningsvakter, väktare, skyddsvakter och annan bevakningspersonal har ökat i samhället bl.a. till följd av säkerhetsläget i Sverige och omvärlden. Det efterfrågas också en högre nivå av ordningshållning och bevakning än vad Polisen kan tillhandahålla. Ordningsvakter och väktare samt annan bevakningspersonal m.m. behandlar ingående de regler som styr ordningsvakters, väktares och skyddsvakters arbete. Dessutom redogörs för de författningar som gäller för sjöfarts- och hamnskyddskontrollanter, flygplatskontrollanter, naturvårdsvakter, jakttillsynsmän, fisketillsynsmän, arrestantvakter och parkeringsvakter.

Boken tar upp de krav som ställs för auktorisation av bevakningsföretag och utbildningsföretag. Vidare innehåller den avsnitt om sekretess och tystnadsplikt, relevanta bestämmelser i brottsbalken, t.ex. hot och våld mot tjänsteman samt tjänstefel, och arbetsmiljöfrågor.

I denna andra upplaga behandlas den nya ordningsvaktslagen som trädde i kraft den 1 januari 2024. Den tar även upp relevanta rättsfall för olika frågor som behandlas i boken.

Ordningsvakter och väktare samt annan bevakningspersonal m.m. riktar sig till en bred målgrupp. Förutom bevakningsföretag, ordningsvakter, väktare, skyddsvakter och annan bevakningspersonal, torde myndigheter, domstolar, jurister, handläggare och andra som vill veta mer om bevakning ha nytta av boken. Den är lämplig att använda vid utbildningar av t.ex. ordningsvakter och väktare. Även den som överväger att upphandla bevakningstjänster torde ha behållning av boken.

Denna författningssamling innehåller de bestämmelser som styr väktares samt ordnings- och skyddsvakters arbete. Den innehåller även en redogörelse för de viktigaste bestämmelserna för sjöfartsskyddskontrollanter, hamnskyddskontrollanter, luftfartsskyddskontrollanter, naturvårdsvakter, jakttillsynsmän, arrestantvakter och parkeringsvakter. Författningssamlingen innehåller också bestämmelser som rör bevakningsföretag, utbildningsföretag och offentlighet och sekretess samt vissa bestämmelser i brottsbalken.

Ändamålet med författningssamlingen är att samla de bestämmelser som rör de aktuella yrkeskategorierna på ett ställe för att på så sätt underlätta för den som ska tillämpa bestämmelserna eller i övrigt vill veta vilka regler som gäller för de olika verksamheterna. Författningssamlingen är främst sammanställd för att vara ett komplement till boken Ordningsvakter och väktare men kan med fördel också användas separat.

EBBA SVERNE ARVILL är polisdirektör och chef för avdelningen för särskilda utredningar inom Polismyndigheten. Hon har varit byråchef hos Riksåklagaren, rektor för Polishögskolan och länspolismästare.

YVETTE GLANTZ är verksjurist och har arbetat inom Polismyndigheten sedan 2007, främst vid rättsavdelningen. Hon har tidigare arbetat som jurist vid andra myndigheter, i domstol och i Regeringskansliet.

LARS TONNEMAN är polismästare och har under ca 15 år varit chef för den enhet inom Polismyndigheten som ansvarar för föreskrifter och frågor som rör ordningsvakter, väktare och bevakningsföretag m.m.

The question of how Donald Trump won the 2016 election looms over his presidency. In particular, were the 78,000 voters who gave him an Electoral College victory affected by the Russian trolls and hackers? Trump has denied it. So has Vladimir Putin. Others cast the answer as unknowable. In Cyberwar, Kathleen Hall Jamieson marshals the troll posts, unique polling data, analyses of how the press used hacked content, and a synthesis of half a century of media effects literature to argue that, although not certain, it is probable that the Russians helped elect the 45th president of the United States. In the process, she asks: How extensive was the troll messaging? What characteristics of social media did the Russians exploit? Why did the mainstream press rush the hacked content into the citizenry's newsfeeds? Was Clinton telling the truth when she alleged that the debate moderators distorted what she said in the leaked speeches? Did the Russian influence extend beyond social media and news to alter the behavior of FBI director James Comey? After detailing the ways in which Russian efforts were abetted by the press, social media, candidates, party leaders, and a polarized public, Cyberwar closes with a warning: the country is ill-prepared to prevent a sequel. In this updated paperback edition, Jamieson covers the many new developments that have come to light since the original publication.

The second edition of The Law of American State Constitutions provides complete coverage of the legal doctrines surrounding, applying to, and arising from American state constitutions and their judicial interpretation. Drawing on examples from specific states, Professors Williams and Friedman analyze the nature and function of state constitutions in contrast to the federal Constitution, including rights, separation of powers, issues of interpretation, and the processes for amendment and revision. In this edition, Williams and Friedman focus on recent developments, including the state constitutional dimensions of same-sex marriage and the reaction of state courts to U.S. Supreme Court decision making. This edition of The Law of American State Constitutions remains an important analytical tool that explains the unique character and the range of interpretive approaches to these constitutions. It covers the structure of state governments under state constitutions as well as the distribution of powers among the legislative, executive, and judicial branches. Like the first edition, this edition presents a complete picture of state constitutional law and the attributes and features that make this body of law so distinctive.

The New Jersey State Constitution is a throughly revised new edition that provides an extensive historical account and constitutional analysis of the state's governing charter. In addition to an overview of New Jersey's constitutional history, it provides an in-depth, section-by-section analysis of the entire constitution, detailing the many significant changes that have been made since its initial drafting. This treatment, along with a table of cases, index, and bibliography is an essential resource for students, scholars, and practitioners of New Jersey's constitution.State constitutions perform different functions and contain different provisions from the more-familiar U.S. Constitution. The book first outlines the historical development of New Jersey's state constitution from 1776 to the present and explains the highlights of the process of state constitutional development, leading to the current New Jersey constitution. Next, each section of the current constitution is analyzed, including its origins, general intent and purpose, and important judicial interpretations illustrating the types of situations in which the section can come into play, including references to key academic analysis of each section. Careful explanation is provided, with illustrations from cases, of the complex and evolving relationship between rights guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution and rights guaranteed by the New Jersey constitution. In many instances, New Jersey's rights can be more protective than those included in the Federal Constitution. Finally, the book provides a thorough bibliographical essay reviewing the evolution of the New Jersey constitution.

Saudi Arabia has never commanded more attention and yet it remains one of the world's least understood countries. In The Normalization of Saudi Law, Chibli Mallat dives into the heart of Saudi society, politics, and business by exploring the workings of its courts. Legal practitioners and scholars will find a comprehensive analysis of the law's operation in the kingdom. The practitioner will access full thematic coverage of all important fields: judicial organization, contracts and torts, crime, family, property, administration, commerce, companies, banking, insolvency, the stock market, the constitution, succession, and human rights, with major statutes and a large number of court decisions distilled in 16 chapters. The scholar is presented with an assessment of a dynamic legal process, a 'normalization' of Saudi law where developing norms are both 'normal' (usual) and 'normative' (carrying moral force). This includes judges reshaping Islamic law by applying it in everyday transactions and disputes as they interpret classical treatises and modern statutes. In whole, The Normalization of Saudi Law paints a compelling picture of a fast-changing country. The book is a systematic study of Saudi law over nearly a decade, and its analysis draws from Mallat's involvement as a legal expert in landmark decisions around the world and as a law professor in leading universities in the Middle East, Europe, and America. The book reflects his work with Saudi law students and practicing colleagues, from cases in commercial law to those involving government and human rights. The Normalization of Saudi Law will interest both readers following the fast-changing world of comparative law and those intrigued by Saudi Arabia.

Enacted for historical reasons on 26 January 1950, the Constitution of India provided that the Supreme Court of India, situated in New Delhi, was to have one Chief Justice of India, and not more than seven judges. Today, the Court has 33 judges in addition to the Chief Justice of India. But who are these judges, and where did they come from?Its central thesis is that despite all established formal constitutional requirements, there are three informal criteria which are used for appointing judges to the Supreme Court: age, seniority, and diversity. The author examines debates surrounding the Indian judicial system since the institution of the federal court during the British Raj. This leads to a study of the political developments that resulted in the present 'collegium system' of appointing judges to the Supreme Court of India.Based on more than two dozen interviews personally conducted by the author with former judges of the Supreme Court of India, this book uniquely brings to the fore the unwritten criteria that have determined the selection of judges to the highest court of law in this country for over six decades.

Democracy is the ability to participate freely and equally in the political and economic affairs of the country. Americans have relied on philosophical pragmatism and on the impulse of political progressivism to express those creedal democratic values. Achieving Democracy argues that, in the last 30 years, however, by focusing on free markets and small government, America has since lost its grasp on these crucial democratic values. Economically, the vast majority of Americans have been made worse off due to a historically unprecedented redistribution of wealth from the lower and middle classes to the top one percent. Politically, partisan gridlock has hampered efforts to seek fairer taxes, responsive and effective regulation, reliable health care, and better education, among other needs. Achieving Democracy critiques the history of the last 30 years of neoliberal government in the United States, and enables an understanding of the dynamic and changing nature of contemporary government and the future of the regulatory state. Sidney A. Shapiro and Joseph P. Tomain demonstrate how lessons from the past can be applied today to regain essential democratic losses within the successful framework of a progressive government to ultimately construct a good society for all citizens.

In 2013, Detroit filed the largest municipal bankruptcy in US history. That dubious honor marked the end of a long decline, during which city leaders slashed municipal costs and sought desperately to attract private investment. That same year, an economically resurgent New York City elected a progressive mayor intent on reducing income inequality and spurring more equitable economic development. Whether or not Mayor Bill de Blasio realizes his legislative vision, his agenda raises a fundamental question: can American cities govern or are they relatively powerless in the face of global capital? Both Detroit's demise and reigning theories of city agency suggest that in a world dominated by footloose transnational capital, cities have little capacity to effect social change. Cities have to "compete" with each other by offering favorable deals to corporations, reducing tax rates, limiting the public sector, and pursuing "business-friendly" policies. The notion that cities can do little but make themselves attractive to global capital also underscores a pervasive skepticism of municipal politics. Conventional economic wisdom asserts that cities cannot do very much. Conventional political wisdom asserts that cities should not do very much. In City Power, Richard C. Schragger challenges both these claims. He argues that cities can govern, but only if we let them. In the past decade, city leaders across America have raised the minimum wage, expanded social services, put conditions on incoming development, and otherwise engaged in social welfare redistribution. These cities have not suffered from capital flight. Indeed, many are experiencing an economic renaissance. Schragger argues that the range of city policies is not limited by the requirements of capital but instead by a constitutional structure that serves the interests of state and federal officials. Having weak cities is a political choice. City Power shows how cities can govern despite these constitutional limitations--and why we should want them to. It argues that in an era of global capital, municipal power is more relevant to citizen well-being, not less. Instead of treating the exercise of city power as marginal-ineffectual at best, corrupt and unattractive at worst--Schragger argues that the city should be at the very center of our economic, legal, and political thinking.

The Purse and the Sword presents a critical analysis of Israel's legal system in the context of its politics, history, and the forces that shape its society. This book examines the extensive powers that Israel's Supreme Court arrogated to itself since the 1980s and traces the history of the transformation of its legal system and the shifts in the balance of power between the branches of government. Centrally, this shift has put unprecedented power in the hands of both the Court and Israel's attorney general and state prosecution at the expense of Israel's cabinet, constituting its executive branch, and the Knesset--its parliament. The expansion of judicial power followed the weakening of the political leadership in the wake of the Yom Kippur war of 1973, and the election results in the following years. These developments are detailed in the context of major issues faced by modern Israel, including the war against terror, the conflict with the Palestinians, the Arab minority, settlements in the West Bank, state and religion, immigration, military service, censorship and freedom of expression, appointments to the government and to public office, and government policies. The aggrandizement of power by the legal system led to a backlash against the Supreme Court in the early part of the current century, and to the partial rebalancing of power towards the political branches.

The only book of its kind in the English language, this is the first volume of the Oxford Commentaries on the State Constitutions of the United States to explore the constitution of a U.S. territory: Puerto Rico. The first half of the volume unearths the island's constitutional history from the days of Spanish colonization in the 16th century, through to Congress' enactment in 2016 of the Puerto Rico Oversight, Management and Economic Stability Act (PROMESA). Professor Cox Alomar offers a careful analysis of the most recent decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court implicating Puerto Rico, Sánchez Valle (2016), Franklin Trust (2016), Aurelius (2020) and Vaello Madero (2022). The second half of this volume provides an in-depth analysis of each of the provisions incorporated by the Puerto Rican framers to the 1952 Constitution, still in full force today. Commentary is provided on each of these constitutional provisions in light of the most recent decisions of the Puerto Rico Supreme Court. The volume examines the interaction between the Puerto Rico Supreme Court and the U.S. Supreme Court, as well as the complex relationship between Puerto Rico and the political branches in Washington. This book is a timely companion in one of the more complex, yet transformative periods in Puerto Rico's constitutional life.

Throughout American history, views on the proper relationship between the state and religion have been deeply divided. And, with recent changes in the composition of the Supreme Court, First Amendment law concerning religion is likely to change dramatically in the years ahead. In The Religion Clauses, Erwin Chemerinsky and Howard Gillman, two of America's leading constitutional scholars, begin by explaining how freedom of religion is enshrined in the First Amendment through two provisions. They defend a robust view of both clauses and work from the premise that that the establishment clause is best understood, in the words of Thomas Jefferson, as creating a wall separating church and state. After examining all the major approaches to the meaning of the Constitution's religion clauses, they contend that the best approaches are for the government to be strictly secular and for there to be no special exemptions for religious people from neutral and general laws that others must obey. In an America that is only becoming more diverse with respect to religion, this is not only the fairest approach, but the one most in tune with what the First Amendment actually prescribes. Both a pithy primer on the meaning of the religion clauses and a broad-ranging indictment of the Court's misinterpretation of them in recent years, The Religion Clauses shows how a separationist approach is most consistent with the concerns of the founders who drafted the Constitution and with the needs of a religiously pluralistic society in the 21st century.

As the last decade has shown, ideological polarization in Congress has reached historic levels. Yet, spatial theory has become increasingly important for how scholars understand Congress and legislative elections. In spatial models, candidates select positions along an ideological spectrum, and voters choose candidates based on those locations. However, the central tendency of these models is for the candidates to converge to the location of the median voter, so polarization has become increasingly problematic for spatial theory, even as scholars have come to rely increasingly on these models. In Incremental Polarization, Justin Buchler provides a unified spatial model of legislative elections, parties, and roll call voting to explain the development of polarization in Congress. His model moves beyond elections and factors in legislators' roll call voting, where a different but related spatial process operates. By linking these models, Incremental Polarization fills a critical gap in our understanding of the strategic, electoral, and procedural roots of polarization-and the role that parties play in the process.

As the last decade has shown, ideological polarization in Congress has reached historic levels. Yet, spatial theory has become increasingly important for how scholars understand Congress and legislative elections. In spatial models, candidates select positions along an ideological spectrum, and voters choose candidates based on those locations. However, the central tendency of these models is for the candidates to converge to the location of the median voter, so polarization has become increasingly problematic for spatial theory, even as scholars have come to rely increasingly on these models. In Incremental Polarization, Justin Buchler provides a unified spatial model of legislative elections, parties, and roll call voting to explain the development of polarization in Congress. His model moves beyond elections and factors in legislators' roll call voting, where a different but related spatial process operates. By linking these models, Incremental Polarization fills a critical gap in our understanding of the strategic, electoral, and procedural roots of polarization-and the role that parties play in the process.

The shocking election of President Trump spawned myriad analyses and post-mortems, but they consistently underestimate the crucial role of the Tea Party on the GOP and Republican House members specifically. In Reactionary Republicanism, Bryan T. Gervais and Irwin L. Morris develop the most sophisticated analysis to date for gauging the Tea Party's impact upon the U.S. House of Representatives. They employ multiple types of data to illustrate the multi-dimensional impact of the Tea Party movement on members of Congress. Contrary to conventional wisdom, they find that Republicans associated with the Tea Party movement were neither a small minority of the Republican conference nor intransigent backbenchers. Most importantly, the invigoration of racial hostility and social conservatism among Tea Party supporters fostered the growth of reactionary Republicanism. Tea Party legislators, in turn, endeavored to aggravate these feelings of resentment via digital home styles that incorporated uncivil and aversion-inducing rhetoric. Trump fed off of this during his run, and his symbiotic relationship with Tea Party regulars has guided-and seems destined to-the trajectory of his administration.

The shocking election of President Trump spawned myriad analyses and post-mortems, but they consistently underestimate the crucial role of the Tea Party on the GOP and Republican House members specifically. In Reactionary Republicanism, Bryan T. Gervais and Irwin L. Morris develop the most sophisticated analysis to date for gauging the Tea Party's impact upon the U.S. House of Representatives. They employ multiple types of data to illustrate the multi-dimensional impact of the Tea Party movement on members of Congress. Contrary to conventional wisdom, they find that Republicans associated with the Tea Party movement were neither a small minority of the Republican conference nor intransigent backbenchers. Most importantly, the invigoration of racial hostility and social conservatism among Tea Party supporters fostered the growth of reactionary Republicanism. Tea Party legislators, in turn, endeavored to aggravate these feelings of resentment via digital home styles that incorporated uncivil and aversion-inducing rhetoric. Trump fed off of this during his run, and his symbiotic relationship with Tea Party regulars has guided-and seems destined to-the trajectory of his administration.

The question of how Donald Trump won the 2016 election looms over his presidency. In particular, were the 78,000 voters who gave him an Electoral College victory affected by the Russian trolls and hackers? Trump has denied it. So too has Vladimir Putin. Others cast the answer as unknowable.Drawing on path-breaking work in which she and her colleagues isolated significant communication effects in the 2000 and 2008 presidential campaigns, the eminent political communication scholar Kathleen Hall Jamieson marshals the troll posts, unique polling data, analyses of how the press used the hacked content, and a synthesis of half a century of media effects research to argue that, although not certain, it is probable that the Russians helped elect the 45th president of the United States. In the process, Cyberwar tackles questions that include: How extensive was the troll messaging? What characteristics of the social media platforms did the Russians exploit? Why did the mainstream press rush the hacked content into the citizenrys newsfeeds? Was Clinton telling the truth when she alleged that the debate moderators distorted what she said in the leaked speeches? Did the Russian influence extend beyond social media and news to alter the behavior of FBI director James Comey? After detailing the ways in which the Russian efforts were abetted by the press, social media platforms, the candidates, party leaders, and a polarized public, Cyberwar closes with a warning: the country is ill-prepared to prevent a sequel.

The idea of sovereignty and the debates that surroundit are not merely of historical, academic, or legal interest: they are also potent, vibrant issues and as current and relevant as today's front page news in the United States and in other Western democracies. In thepost- 9/11United States, the growth of the national security state has resulted in a growingstruggle to maintain the legal and ethical boundaries surrounding executive authority, boundaries that help to define and protect democratic governance. Thesepost-9/11 developments and their effect on the scope of presidential power present hard questions and arefueling today'sintensedebates among political leaders, citizens,constitutional scholars,historians, and philosophers. This volume will contribute to the public conversation on the nature of executive authority and its relation to the broader topic of sovereignty in several ways. First, readers will learn that the current vital questions surrounding the nature of executive authority and presidential power have their intellectual roots in historical and philosophical writings about the nature of sovereignty. Second, sovereignty has historically been a complicated topic; this volume helps identify the terms of the debate. Third, and most critically, citizens' understanding of the concept of sovereignty is essential to grasping the available options for confronting current challenges to the rule of law in democratic societies. The volume's 15 essays, drawn from among the disciplines of law, political, science, philosophy, and international relations,covers an expansive series of topics, from historical theories and international affairs, to governmental transparency and legitimacy. The volume also focuses on thechanges in the concept of sovereignty post-9/11 in the United States and their impact on democracy and the rule of law, particularly in the area of national security practice.

There are few intellectual movements in modern American political history more successful than the Federalist Society. Created in 1982 to counterbalance what its founders considered a liberal legal establishment, the organization gradually evolved into the conservative legal establishment, and membership is all but required for any conservative lawyer who hopes to enter politics or the judiciary. It claims 40,000 members, including five Supreme Court Justices, dozens of federal judges, and every Republican attorney general since its inception. But its power goes even deeper. In Ideas with Consequences, Amanda Hollis-Brusky provides the first comprehensive account of how the Federalist Society exerts influence. Updated in paperback to account for recent developments, this book is the essential guide to the post-Kavanaugh Federalist Society, which continues to broaden its reach at all levels.

Frequent and fair elections, open to all, are fundamental elements of a democracy. The United States, through its local, state, and national contests, holds more elections, more often, than any other democracy in the world. But in recent years, there have been troubling signs that our system of campaigns and elections has become much more fragile than we had previously thought. More specifically, in the past twenty years, campaigns have changed profoundly: social media and viral messaging compete with traditional media, races once considered local in nature have become nationalized, Supreme Court decisions on campaign finance law now encourage mega-donors, voters are more polarized, party affiliation has waned, and the middle ideological ground has given way to extremist language and voter rage. Twice in sixteen years we have seen winning presidential candidates gaining fewer popular votes than their opponents. The fundamental right of every citizen to vote has been impeded by state legislatures demanding tighter access, more identification, and accusations of voter fraud. And we have faced the real threat of foreign influence in our national elections. This book offers the most up-to-date examination of campaigns and elections, including the challenges and opportunities they present. It addresses fundamental questions about who votes in American elections, how legislative districts are reapportioned and why it matters, the realities of voter fraud, the pros and cons of reforming the Electoral College, the impact of dark money on campaigns, and the role of political consultants and specialists, among other topics. Given the fragility of our election process, what are the threats to a healthy American democracy? Do the candidates with the most money always win? This is not simply a book on how campaigns are run, but why campaigns and elections are integral components of American democracy and how those fundamental elements may be vulnerable to misuse.

Frequent and fair elections, open to all, are fundamental elements of a democracy. The United States, through its local, state, and national contests, holds more elections, more often, than any other democracy in the world. But in recent years, there have been troubling signs that our system of campaigns and elections has become much more fragile than we had previously thought. More specifically, in the past twenty years, campaigns have changed profoundly: social media and viral messaging compete with traditional media, races once considered local in nature have become nationalized, Supreme Court decisions on campaign finance law now encourage mega-donors, voters are more polarized, party affiliation has waned, and the middle ideological ground has given way to extremist language and voter rage. Twice in sixteen years we have seen winning presidential candidates gaining fewer popular votes than their opponents. The fundamental right of every citizen to vote has been impeded by state legislatures demanding tighter access, more identification, and accusations of voter fraud. And we have faced the real threat of foreign influence in our national elections. This book offers the most up-to-date examination of campaigns and elections, including the challenges and opportunities they present. It addresses fundamental questions about who votes in American elections, how legislative districts are reapportioned and why it matters, the realities of voter fraud, the pros and cons of reforming the Electoral College, the impact of dark money on campaigns, and the role of political consultants and specialists, among other topics. Given the fragility of our election process, what are the threats to a healthy American democracy? Do the candidates with the most money always win? This is not simply a book on how campaigns are run, but why campaigns and elections are integral components of American democracy and how those fundamental elements may be vulnerable to misuse.

From 1953 to 1969, the Supreme Court under Chief Justice Earl Warren brought about many of the proudest achievements of American constitutional law. The Warren declared racial segregation and laws forbidding interracial marriage to be unconstitutional; it expanded the right of citizens to criticize public officials; it held school prayer unconstitutional; and it ruled that people accused of a crime must be given a lawyer even if they can't afford one. Yet, despite those and other achievements, conservative critics have fiercely accused the justices of the Warren Court of abusing their authority by supposedly imposing their own opinions on the nation.As the eminent legal scholars Geoffrey R. Stone and David A. Strauss demonstrate in Democracy and Equality, the Warren Court's approach to the Constitution was consistent with the most basic values of our Constitution and with the most fundamental responsibilities of our judiciary. Stone and Strauss describer the Warren Court's extraordinary achievements by reviewing its jurisprudence across a range of issues addressing our nation's commitment to the values of democracy and equality. In each chapter, they tell the story of a critical decision, exploring the historical and legal context of each case, the Court's reasoning, and how the justices of the Warren Court fulfilled the Court's most important responsibilities. This powerfully argued evaluation of the Warren Court's legacy, in commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the end of the Warren Court, both celebrates and defends the Warren Court's achievements against almost sixty-five years of unrelenting and unwarranted attacks by conservatives. It demonstrates not only why the Warren Court's approach to constitutional interpretation was correct and admirable, but also why the approach of the Warren Court was far superior to that of the increasingly conservative justices who have dominated the Supreme Court over the past half-century.

The process of integrating the internal market for goods is intrinsically bound up with the question of how to divide and exercise public power without undermining free movement. The founding Treaties allow for this debate to play out by both protecting the free movement of goods and allowing for national regulatory input. The EU legislator is also empowered to resolve persisting tensions in this field between diversity and centralization, market integration and market regulation, and as regards the question of who decides. As guarantor of the rule of law, the European Court of Justice must pay heed to such legislative input in a manner that preserves the principle of institutional balance and the hierarchy of norms. To do so, it often relies on the Legislative Priority Rule as its 'constitutional compass'. Founded on the principles of pre-emption and the presumption of constitutionality, this longstanding yet relatively unknown Rule casts exhaustive EU (product) legislation as the Court's sole norm of reference to resolve regulatory disputes, to the exclusion of Articles 34 - 36 TFEU. To avoid any resulting normative inversion, EU (product) legislation must be acknowledged as accommodating a more complex vertical distribution of power than what is often assumed. To this end, the book suggests replacing harmonization models with a new framework to better describe and assess the impact of EU legislation, and to facilitate transparent, rational, and Treaty-compliant dispute resolution.

Environmental law and policy in India affects all sections of society. Those most deeply affected by it are the poor. They are the first victims of poor sanitation, polluted air, and contaminated water. Since the 1970s, efforts to protect environmental quality have met with limited success, posing enduring challenges for policy designers and decision-makers entrusted with protecting and preserving natural resources. This edition of Environmental Law and Policy retains the familiar analytical structure of the second edition and includes all major developments since then. It focuses on Indian environmental law, policies, problems, and needs with the comprehensiveness of an American law case book, compiles all the leading cases in environmental law in India with concise extracts of landmark judgments and policy documents, and provides discussions on projects which could potentially degrade the environment.This volume also covers air and water pollution, forests, wildlife, noise pollution, common property resources and tribal communities, environmental impact assessment, coastal regulations, large projects, urban problems, the National Green Tribunal, hazardous substances, transnational environmental policies, and international environment law. It is interlaced with notes, comments, and questions intended to encourage critical thinking amongst lawyers and law students.

Democratic dysfunction can arise in both 'at risk' and well-functioning constitutional systems. It can threaten a system's responsiveness to both minority rights claims and majoritarian constitutional understandings. Responsive Judicial Review aims to counter this dysfunction using examples from both the global north and global south, including leading constitutional courts in the US, UK, Canada, India, South Africa, and Colombia, as well as select aspects of the constitutional jurisprudence of courts in Australia, Fiji, Hong Kong, and Korea.In this book, Dixon argues that courts should adopt a sufficiently 'dialogic' approach to countering relevant democratic blockages and look for ways to increase the actual and perceived legitimacy of their decisions—through careful choices about their framing, and the timing and selection of cases. By orienting judicial choices about constitutional construction toward promoting democratic responsiveness, or toward countering forms of democratic monopoly, blind spots, and burdens of inertia, judicial review helps safeguard a constitutional system's responsiveness to democratic majority understandings. The idea of 'responsive' judicial review encourages courts to engage with their own distinct institutional position, and potential limits on their own capacity and legitimacy. Dixon further explores the ways that this translates into the embracing of a 'weakened' approach to judicial finality, compared to the traditional US-model of judicial supremacy, as well as a nuanced approach to the making of judicial implications, a 'calibrated' approach to judicial scrutiny or judgments about proportionality, and an embrace of 'weak – strong' rather than wholly weak or strong judicial remedies. Not all courts will be equally well-placed to engage in review of this kind, or successful at doing so. For responsive judicial review to succeed, it must be sensitive to context-specific limitations of this kind. Nevertheless, the idea of responsive judicial review is explicitly normative and aspirational: it aims to provide a blueprint for how courts should think about the practice of judicial review as they strive to promote and protect democratic constitutional values.