Contemporary Issues in the Middle East – serie

Wittgenstein has most often been treated as a thinker whose ideas can be discussed independently of any intellectual tradition. The thrust of these essays, by America's leading authority on Wittgenstein's thought, is to insist on the mutual relevance of Wittgenstein's work and the tradition of Western philosophy. Far from overthrowing that tradition, Wittgenstein builds on it, draws from it, and contributes to the fruition of certain elements in it. Particular attention is paid here to Kant, and to what Finch has called Wittgenstein's completion of Kant's revolt against the Cartesian hegemony of epistemology in philosophy. Also very Kantian is the dualism that seems unavoidable in a perspective or "Weltanschauung" which contains both facts and meanings, since meanings always somehow transcend the plain facts that convey them and that they convey. With respect to the givenness of language-games and of "this complicated form of life", on the other hand, Wittgenstein seems closer to Aristotle than to Kant. Seeing Wittgenstein within the tradition of Western philosophy requires a fresh look at Wittgenstein as well as at that tradition.Among the themes of this work: that the principal metaphysical claims of the "Tractatus" is that the world is the totality of facts; that grammar is the key to Wittgenstein's later work because philosophy itself is a form of grammar; and that a certain sort of transcendentality pervades Wittgenstein's work.

Can moral behaviour exist in a world of states? Under what conditions? Where if at all, do norms for moral behavior, considerations of right and wrong, fit in the relations between states?Drawing upon many historical examples, Stanley Hoffmann examines the complex questions of whether or not ethical action is possible in international politics and, if it is, what are the obstacles and constraints? Duties Beyond Borders trim to answer these questions and to suggest a course of "ethical politics" based on a pragmatic, realistic approach to international politics.

Ann Kerr’s is a personal account of an American family during the most tumultuous years of Beirut’s political strife. It begins with the tragic assassination of her husband Malcolm Kerr, one of the most respected scholars of Middle East studies, in 1984, seventeen months after he became president of the American University of Beirut. She retraces in detail the events that brought them to the Middle East, and reaches back into her childhood to describe a lifelong affinity for Lebanon. For a young American woman caring for a family in Lebanon and Egypt, life was like nothing she had ever known, but Ann Kerr approached it with a sense of adventure, which would help her deal with the beauty, chaos, and the ultimate horror of life during the country’s most volatile years of the last three decades. The personal saga of her family and the events surrounding her husband’s untimely death merge with the political episodes that have shaped U.S.-Arab relations since World War II.

The eighteen essays in this volume cover a wide range of material and reevaluate women's studies and Middle Eastern studies, Muslim women and the Shari'a courts, the Ottoman household, Dhimmi communities, children and family law, morality, and violence.

Ann Kerr’s is a personal account of an American family during the most tumultuous years of Beirut’s political strife. It begins with the tragic assassination of her husband Malcolm Kerr, one of the most respected scholars of Middle East studies, in 1984, seventeen months after he became president of the American University of Beirut. She retraces in detail the events that brought them to the Middle East, and reaches back into her childhood to describe a lifelong affinity for Lebanon. For a young American woman caring for a family in Lebanon and Egypt, life was like nothing she had ever known, but Ann Kerr approached it with a sense of adventure, which would help her deal with the beauty, chaos, and the ultimate horror of life during the country’s most volatile years of the last three decades. The personal saga of her family and the events surrounding her husband’s untimely death merge with the political episodes that have shaped U.S.-Arab relations since World War II.

The watercolours in this volume are an expression of the author's affection and fascination for the Middle East, painted during her many sojourns there starting in the mid-1950s and continuing to today. They are unashamedly romantic and the antithesis of the turmoil in the region. The 89 watercolours and photographs are woven together with a brief narrative that brings the context in which they were painted or photographed to the reader. The book is divided into four areas where the author painted: Lebanon, North Africa, Egypt and the Holy Land.

Improbable Women examines the lives of five women writers, all upper-class British women, who rebelled against the conventions of their own societies and lived, travelled and explored the Middle East.

During the postwar period of 1948–56, over 400,000 Jews from the Middle East and Asia immigrated to the newly established state of Israel. By the end of the 1950s, Mizrahim, also known as "Oriental Jewry," represented the ethnic majority of the Israeli Jewish population. Despite their large numbers, Mizrahim were considered outsiders because of their non-European origins. Viewed as foreigners who came from culturally backward and distant lands, they suffered decades of socioeconomic, political, and educational injustices. In this pioneering work, Roby traces the Mizrahi population’s struggle for equality and civil rights in Israel. Although the daily "bread and work" demonstrations are considered the first political expression of the Mizrahim, Roby explores the myriad ways in which they agitated for change. Drawing upon a wealth of archival sources, many then recently declassified, Roby details the activities of the highly ideological and politicized young Israel. Police reports, court transcripts, and protester accounts document a diverse range of resistance tactics, including sit-ins, tent protests, and hunger strikes. Roby shows how the Mizrahi intellectuals and activists in the 1960s began to take note of the American civil rights movement, gaining inspiration from its development and drawing parallels between their experience and that of other marginalized ethnic groups. The Mizrahi Era of Rebellion shines a light on a largely forgotten part of Israeli social history, one that profoundly shaped the way Jews from African and Asian countries engaged with the newly founded state of Israel.

This book will serve as a guide for those who wish to understand the Lebanese conflict-expert and general reader alike-and for those, as well, who would work to bring peace to that tormented land. From Palestinian, Syrian, and Israeli intervention to delicate inter-Arab relations, the Arab-Israeli conflict, and superpower involvement, sixteen experts analyze the motives and actions of the men and groups engaged in the bloody Lebanese hostilities.

Ladjevardi follows the rise and ebb of political development in Iran from 1906 to the recent past by looking at one aspect of political growth: the emergence of labor unions. Presenting a history of the labor movement in Iran, he begins with the genesis of the movement from 1906 to 1921 and then looks at the state of labor unions under Reza Shah from 1925 to 1941. During the 1940s polarization between the unions and the government increased, as did Soviet and British influence on the unions. From 1946 to 1953 Iran saw the rise and fall of government-controlled unions and, after 1953, workers without unions. After years of frustration and countless examples of contradiction between words and deeds, the workers and most of the politically aware populace became cynical about constitutional government, parliamentary elections, the promises of the ruling elite, and the friendship of the Western powers. Ladjevardi’s account of the labor movement in Iran leaves little doubt as to why the workers turned against them all: the monarchy, "Western democracy," and the West itself.

This book is an exciting study of clothing as a complex cultural expression. The author analyses contemporary social meanings found in the symbols of dress and shows the way groups and individuals use the symbols like a language to reveal or conceal significant aspects of their personal identities. Reveal and Conceal contains thirty-three line drawings, clearly depicting the various modes and differences in dress. Forty-eight photographs are included in the book, most of which were taken by the author during her extensive interviews with the women and men of the Egyptian villages and cities she researched.

Little is known in the West about the division of the Islamic world into Shiites and Sunnites and even less about the stratification of these two groups, with most of the attention going to the Sunnites. Moosa's comprehensive study of the origins and cultural aspects of the different extremist, or Ghulat, Shiite sects in the Middle East is a ground-breaking work. These sects whose 'extremism' is essentially religious are generally a peaceful people and, except for the Nusayris of Syria, are not political activists.

Selma Botman examines the virtually unknown history of communism in Egypt during the twentieth-century. In an original and well-documented study, the author has traced the development of the revolutionary left using political court cases, interviews with political activists, and literature from the communist movement itself. In the post–World War II period, Egyptian communists operated in an environment of extreme secrecy and periodic repression. While the communist movement never became a mainstream political force or had realistic capabilities for overthrowing the royalist regime, its importance and influence were much larger than its numbers imply. Egyptian Marxists had a significant ideological impact on Egyptian society, especially among the intelligentsia and to a lesser degree among trade unionists. Moreover, they were present at key moments of nationalist, student, and working-class militancy. The revolutionary left also contributed to the destabilization of the constitutional monarchy and the worn-out Wafd Party, the premier nationalist organization in Egypt, and helped pave the way for the emergence of Gamal Abdul Nasser and the Free Officers movement of 1952.

Three devastating epidemics swept Egypt in the 1940’s killing more people than all the wars Egypt has fought in the twentieth century. Egypt’s Other Wars vividly reconstructs the nation’s struggle against malaria, relapsing fever, and cholera and explores the unique combination of forces that put public health at the top of the national political agenda.Egypt in the 1940’s as in the throes of a nationalist upheaval. Nationalists of all political ideologies attributed the sever epidemics that the country was experiencing to Egypt’s status as an underdeveloped and colonized nation. The epidemics were therefore viewed for the first time as not only a public health crisis but also a political problem that called for a political solution.

This work provides a selection of underground documents (never before translated) of the two leading bodies of the Intifada: the United National Command and the Islamic Resistance Movement, known as Hamas. Communiques or leaflets were an essential element of Palestinian political life and served as a vehicle of expression and a way to direct behaviour and organise the people. Shaul Mishal carefully analyses these documents in an effort to understand the forces that turned the wheels of the Palestinian uprising: their goals; methods of operation; and their success in obtaining the willing cooperation of all segments of the Palestinian population. Since the Israeli conquest of the West Bank and Gaza in 1967, there had been minor eruptions of violence by Palestinians against Israelis. But for the 20 years before December 1987 and the uprising, there had never been such an intense and prolonged demonstration against the occupation. The Intifada inspired a new generation of Palestinian radicals who conducted their protests through petrol bombs and street violence and relayed their messages through underground propaganda. In place of any official and prominent leadership, communiques became the voice of the rebels. The book should be of interest to scholars and students of Middle East studies, particularly of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Ideology has been described as the single most powerful force in modern Arab politics. In this analysis, Salem examines 20th-century nationalist, Marxist, and Islamic movements in the Arab world. He uses a multidisciplinary approach and a breadth of theoretical work from the fields of sociology, social psychology, and political science. He also draws on primary Arabic sources, examining the main works of Sati al-Husri, Michel Aflaq, Sayyid Qutb, and Antoun Saadeh. Salem argues that, throughout the 20th-century, ideology has served a crucial political function in integrating the masses into the modern state system and in legitimising new elites. This ideology was stimulated by the rapid pace of social, economic, political, and cultural change that began at the turn of the century and which caused considerable strain within the structure of the existing traditional belief systems. He not only analyses the rise of numerous movements including Arab nationalism, Marxism, and Islamic fundamentalism, but also Egyptian, Syrian, and Lebanese nationalism. Unlike many other studies that often treat ideologies as separate and static phenomena, the author places ideology in a comparative and dialectical framework. He approaches the work from a multidisciplinary perspective to study the movements and how their respective ideologies compete and reinforce one another. By considering religious and cultural variables and by examining a movements's roots, its appeal to different classes and generations, and how it fulfills people's psychological needs, the author provides a fuller understanding of the Arab society as a whole. ""Bitter Legacy"" aims to provide a panoramic review of modern Arab political thought and offers analytical tools for comprehending ideological change.

This is a single-volume history of Islam. The opening chapters briefly discuss the historical background of the Prophet Muhammad in the 7th century, through the rise of the Islam in 18th through 20th centuries. The final two chapters cover the significant events of the 1980s and 1990s.

This edition includes new material on the Arabic novel up to 1993. It is a survey of the Arabic novel and its development from its beginnings in the 19th century until today. It traces the origin, early cultivation and the mature period after World War II of the Arabic novel.

This text analyses the causes and far-reaching consequences of Iran's oil nationalization during the 1950s, focusing on the extensive and misguided involvement of the United States and Great Britain.

A translation from the Sudanese of Taha’s major work in which he outlines the main features of his teachings. Mahmoud Mohamed Taha had long been known for his radical reinterpretation of Islam. His reputation, along with his vigorous opposition to the Islamization program, ultimately led to his demise

Three devastating epidemics swept Egypt in the 1940’s killing more people than all the wars Egypt has fought in the twentieth century. Egypt’s Other Wars vividly reconstructs the nation’s struggle against malaria, relapsing fever, and cholera and explores the unique combination of forces that put public health at the top of the national political agenda.Egypt in the 1940’s as in the throes of a nationalist upheaval. Nationalists of all political ideologies attributed the sever epidemics that the country was experiencing to Egypt’s status as an underdeveloped and colonized nation. The epidemics were therefore viewed for the first time as not only a public health crisis but also a political problem that called for a political solution.

This is Judith Caesar's account of her life and work in the Arab Middle East during a period of great political and social turmoil. While there, she was forced to begin the long process of unlearning much of what she thought she knew about Arabs.

The essays in this work illustrate the various ways in which women in the Middle East fall short of being vested with the rights and privileges that would define them as fully enfranchised citizens. They offer an examination of national legislation on personal status, penal law and labour.

While the occupation of Iraq and its aftermath has received media and political attention, we know very little about the everyday lives of Iraqis. Iraqi men, women, and children are not merely passive victims of violence, vulnerable recipients of repressive regimes, or bystanders of their country’s destruction. In the face of danger and trauma, Iraqis continue to cope, preparing food, sending their children to school, socializing, telling jokes, and dreaming of a better future. Within the realm of imagination and creative expression, the editors find that many Iraqi artists have not only survived but have also sought healing.In We Are Iraqis, Al-Ali and Al-Najjar showcase written and visual contributions by Iraqi artists, writers, poets, filmmakers, photographers, and activists. Contributors explore the way Iraqis retain, subvert, and produce art and activism as ways of coping with despair and resisting chaos and destruction. The first anthology of its kind, We Are Iraqis brings into focus the multitude of ethnicities, religions, and experiences that are all part of Iraq.

The works gathered here are based on contemporary fieldwork in Iran by scholars of Iranian culture. The contributors cover topics such as civil society, foreign relations, Islamism, religious-secular debates and women's issues. These essays challenge stereotypes that have developed about modern-day Iran and should stimulate debate and discussion among scholars and students of the Middle East.