It is a commonplace of Schmitt scholarship that the controversial thinker sought to recapture some of the elan of the pre-Weimar state through his advocacy of effectively almost unlimited presidential government. Seitzer demonstrates how Schmitt believed comparative history itself could reinvigorate the ailing German state by subtly altering prevailing understandings of the relation of theory and practice in law and politics.Treating Schmitt's Constitutional Theory and Guardian of the Constitution as methodologically sophisticated comparative histories, Seitzer turns Schmitt's argument against itself. He shows how Schmitt's comparative histories, when properly executed, support a decentralized solution to the Republic's difficulties directly contrary to Schmitt's in terms of its purpose and effect. Problem-oriented, comparative-historical studies of key features of the Weimar system suggest that the dispersion of political power facilitates an institutional dialogue over constitutional principle and practice that better provides for political stability and democratic experimentation. These studies also suggest that linking forms of justification with institutions establishes a productive tension among norms and institutions that is essential to maintaining the viability of constitutional democracy, both in the short- and long-term. This work will be of considerable value to Schmitt scholars and those interested in German legal and political theory as well as those concerned with broad issues in comparative law and European history and political theory.

This edited collection focuses on the problem of social justice, or, more particularly, how the demand for social justice was articulated and implemented in ancient civilizations, including, from east to west, the Chinese, Indian, Iranian, Babylonian, Assyrian, Israelite, Egyptian, Greek, and Roman. These essays are supplemented by discussions of the functioning of social justice in early and medieval Islam and in the postmedieval Anglo-Saxon world.The volume contains extended discussions of specific legal regulations, royal edicts, and socioeconomic practices in the various civilizations, and examinations of their social, political, and economic consequences. Written by leading scholars in their respective fields, this volume will be of great interest to researchers dealing with the ancient world and the evolution of political philosophy and legal and economic rights.

Before it became a federation, the United States was briefly a confederation, a much looser union composed of states rather than of peoples. Unions of states to promote ecomomic well-being and to prevent war are now being revived. Mr. Lister analyzes modern confederalism, and how it is functioning in the single market of the Europen Union and how it might function if the collective security system of the United Nations could be carried out, as originally planned, by a confederal-style partnership of the world's independent states.Political scientists have traditionally classified voluntary polities as confederations, federations, or unitary states. But they have ignored the first of these classes, perhaps because Alexander Hamilton, wishing to mobilize support for the new federal constitution, discredited not only the United States Confederation but the whole class of confederations as a viable method of governance. More than 200 years later, confederation as a form of governance is still under a cloud. Yet it has been resurfacing, largely unrecognized for what it is, in the repertory of government. In the treaties of Rome and Maastricht and in the collective security system of the Charter, the European Union and the United Nations are already involved in forms of governance that are confederal in all but name.Lister's book describes confederal governance and how such unions of states differ from intergovernmental organizations on the one hand and federations on the other. Meticulously researched and carefully argued, it draws upon his five years of study of confederal unions from Ancient Greece through the 19th-century Germanic Confederation and the German Zollverein. But his book is not a history of confederations. Instead, it shows how long-term alliances sometimes evolve into unions of states and, in time, into communities of the peoples who live in those states. It also shows how the ties of confederal union have been institutionalized in modern times in the EU and how they might be institutionalized in a global collective security body.^L ^L Finally, the book stresses the urgency of moving in this direction because we shall face a very serious security problem in the next century. With the steady leakage of nuclear materials in Russia, the non-proliferation approach to controlling weapons of mass destruction appears to be breaking down. Lister argues that if and when governments are confronted with this looming problem, perhaps in the not-too-distant future, the confederal model may be the one that they will need to have updated and at their disposal.

This book is a comparative study of the meaning, characteristics, and development of pan-movements, a synonym for macro-nationalisms, in the last century. It seeks to clarify the origins and developments of all the important pan-movements as historical phenomena. Beginning with an introductory chapter defining the characteristics of nationalism per se, Professor Snyder, in this companion volume to his Global Mini-Nationalisms: Autonomy or Independence, considers specific pan-movements which have sought to combine existing nationalisms into a larger entity: Pan-Slavism, Pan-Germanism, Pan-Europeanism, the pan-movements of Turkey, Pan-Islamism, Pan-Arabism, Zionism, Pan-Asianism, Pan-Africanism, et al. Although studies of these pan-movements exist individually, this is the first comparative study of macronationalisms.

In case studies and comparative analysis of Canada, the United States, France, Switzerland, and Belgium, a distinguished international group of scholars looks at how and why provinces, states, cantons, and large municipalities increasingly seek access to foreign sources of wealth and technological information. The first book to explore the subject, this new study examines the effects of these initiatives on the traditional conduct of foreign policy and foreign trade and the implications of the continued perforation of national boundaries already subject to an unprecedented flow of foreign products, cultural influences, and visitors, as well as environmental pollution from abroad.

This is a pioneer theoretical study of diplomacy from the viewpoint of political science. It defines diplomacy precisely, and distinguishes it from the other institutions with which it is often confused. The work commences with a historical analysis of diplomacy through the ages in order to afford a theoretical description of the concept. After defining the term, Calvet de Magalhaes goes on to examine the value of current ideas concerning diplomacy. He also describes deviations from normal diplomatic practice, such as backchannel diplomacy, combat diplomacy, and espionage. The work concludes with a detailed precis of the different elements of diplomatic activity.

United States diplomatic policy towards European Jews, Zionists, and Israelis remains vitally important to the stability and international posture of numerous countries. This study traces the evolution of that policy from its roots in isolated responses to post-World War I antisemitism to its coherent statement in the post-World War II era. Topics such as the Jewish minority problem in Europe, the history of U.S.-Zionist relations, and the American response to the Holocaust, often treated separately, are here studied together, and their integral part within U.S. policy emphasized.Told in narrative form, this is the story of the origins of U.S. policy towards European Jews and the Jews' reaction to that policy. Reluctant Ally is a powerful account of how the American outrage at mistreatment of European Jewry joined with the Zionist movement to support the inevitable settling of Palestine. Policy changed rapidly from 1900 to mid-century, and this objective discussion of the various aspects of that development brings many new facts to light and furnishes information that can enhance understanding of current U.S. policy toward Israel as well as the current war in the Middle East.

Citizenship is a fundamental concept in social life, entailing rights, obligations, and relationships with others. Modern citizenship did not emerge from a philosopher's study or a laboratory experiment; instead, it was decisively shaped in the French Revolution. This book is about the processes by which that happened.The creation of a new kind of citizenship was not a simple act. The rights and obligations of citizens were going to be extensive; they needed to be defined and debated. The topics discussed in this book, which detail these rights and obligations, will be of interest to French historians as well as to political scientists and sociologists.

This edited collection focuses on the problem of social justice, or, more particularly, how the demand for social justice was articulated and implemented in ancient civilizations, including, from east to west, the Chinese, Indian, Iranian, Babylonian, Assyrian, Israelite, Egyptian, Greek, and Roman. These essays are supplemented by discussions of the functioning of social justice in early and medieval Islam and in the postmedieval Anglo-Saxon world.The volume contains extended discussions of specific legal regulations, royal edicts, and socioeconomic practices in the various civilizations, and examinations of their social, political, and economic consequences. Written by leading scholars in their respective fields, this volume will be of great interest to researchers dealing with the ancient world and the evolution of political philosophy and legal and economic rights.

The relationship between economic and political thinking has reached a crisis at the end of the 20th century. Already at the beginning of this century, in Roman Catholicism and Political Form, Carl Schmitt juxtaposed a juridical interpretation of religion oriented to the political sphere to Max Weber's sociological interpretation oriented to the economic sphere in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism.According to G. L. Ulmen, translator of Roman Catholicism and Political Form

Lister traces the little known story of how the first confederal type unions sprang up in ancient Greece, and how they were revived in medieval and early modern times, not just in Switzerland and the Dutch Republic, but in New England's colonies of the 17th century.Following an introduction in which the nature of confederal type governance is described, Lister examines the ancient Greek sympolities (the precursors of full-scale confederations), the Hanseatic League, the old Swiss Confederation, the Dutch Republic, and, finally, the United Colonies of New England. Each chapter closes with a series of conclusions regarding unions. Lister concludes the book with a summary of the achievements of the early confederations. This detailed synthesis of what is known of the little studied early confederations will be of primary interest to scholars and students of international relations, military history, and political theory.

Growing interest in the ideas of the German legal and political theorist Carl Schmitt have sparked an interest in the thinkers and ideas that influenced him. Chief among those influences stands the 19th-century Spanish and conservative thinker Juan Donoso Cortés (1809-1853). Donoso stands in a unique place in the ideological trajectory of conservative, counter-revolutionary thought that started with the reaction of Joseph de Maistre and Louis de Bonald against the French Revolution and culminated in the rise of fascism in the early twentieth century. As the philosophical successor of de Maistre, Donoso kept de Maistre's ideas on authority and infallibility alive in the midst of the ideological and political controversies and the revolutionary tumult of Europe in the mid-19th century. Donoso's theories on infallibility played a crucial role in the definition of papal infallibility during the First Vatican Council in 1870. His theory on dictatorship changed the focus of continental conservative thought away from emphasizing the restoration of a hierarchically ordered civilization through the restoration of the monarchical ancient regime to the establishment of order and hierarchy by any necessary and effective means. This theory and his critique of parliamentarianism were especially reflected in the Franco regime in Spain and in the political and legal theories of Carl Schmitt.All the speeches and writings of Cortés that influenced Schmitt are contained in this volume. These major theoretical works appear in English for the first time. Only the Speech on Dictatorship has appeared in English to date. Johnson's Introduction provides extensive commentary on the works and theories developed in them by showing the historical and philosophical context from which they emerged and by pointing out their significance in the development of the counter-revolutionary ideological trajectory leading from de Maistre to fascism. Until now, Donoso has been studied by a small group of mostly conservative and Catholic scholars. This translation makes his ideas more readily available for study by students and scholars of political theory.

It is a commonplace of Schmitt scholarship that the controversial thinker sought to recapture some of the elan of the pre-Weimar state through his advocacy of effectively almost unlimited presidential government. Seitzer demonstrates how Schmitt believed comparative history itself could reinvigorate the ailing German state by subtly altering prevailing understandings of the relation of theory and practice in law and politics.Treating Schmitt's Constitutional Theory and Guardian of the Constitution as methodologically sophisticated comparative histories, Seitzer turns Schmitt's argument against itself. He shows how Schmitt's comparative histories, when properly executed, support a decentralized solution to the Republic's difficulties directly contrary to Schmitt's in terms of its purpose and effect. Problem-oriented, comparative-historical studies of key features of the Weimar system suggest that the dispersion of political power facilitates an institutional dialogue over constitutional principle and practice that better provides for political stability and democratic experimentation. These studies also suggest that linking forms of justification with institutions establishes a productive tension among norms and institutions that is essential to maintaining the viability of constitutional democracy, both in the short- and long-term. This work will be of considerable value to Schmitt scholars and those interested in German legal and political theory as well as those concerned with broad issues in comparative law and European history and political theory.

This edited collection focuses on the problem of social justice, or, more particularly, how the demand for social justice was articulated and implemented in ancient civilizations, including, from east to west, the Chinese, Indian, Iranian, Babylonian, Assyrian, Israelite, Egyptian, Greek, and Roman. These essays are supplemented by discussions of the functioning of social justice in early and medieval Islam and in the postmedieval Anglo-Saxon world.The volume contains extended discussions of specific legal regulations, royal edicts, and socioeconomic practices in the various civilizations, and examinations of their social, political, and economic consequences. Written by leading scholars in their respective fields, this volume will be of great interest to researchers dealing with the ancient world and the evolution of political philosophy and legal and economic rights.

Before it became a federation, the United States was briefly a confederation, a much looser union composed of states rather than of peoples. Unions of states to promote ecomomic well-being and to prevent war are now being revived. Mr. Lister analyzes modern confederalism, and how it is functioning in the single market of the Europen Union and how it might function if the collective security system of the United Nations could be carried out, as originally planned, by a confederal-style partnership of the world's independent states.Political scientists have traditionally classified voluntary polities as confederations, federations, or unitary states. But they have ignored the first of these classes, perhaps because Alexander Hamilton, wishing to mobilize support for the new federal constitution, discredited not only the United States Confederation but the whole class of confederations as a viable method of governance. More than 200 years later, confederation as a form of governance is still under a cloud. Yet it has been resurfacing, largely unrecognized for what it is, in the repertory of government. In the treaties of Rome and Maastricht and in the collective security system of the Charter, the European Union and the United Nations are already involved in forms of governance that are confederal in all but name.Lister's book describes confederal governance and how such unions of states differ from intergovernmental organizations on the one hand and federations on the other. Meticulously researched and carefully argued, it draws upon his five years of study of confederal unions from Ancient Greece through the 19th-century Germanic Confederation and the German Zollverein. But his book is not a history of confederations. Instead, it shows how long-term alliances sometimes evolve into unions of states and, in time, into communities of the peoples who live in those states. It also shows how the ties of confederal union have been institutionalized in modern times in the EU and how they might be institutionalized in a global collective security body.^L ^L Finally, the book stresses the urgency of moving in this direction because we shall face a very serious security problem in the next century. With the steady leakage of nuclear materials in Russia, the non-proliferation approach to controlling weapons of mass destruction appears to be breaking down. Lister argues that if and when governments are confronted with this looming problem, perhaps in the not-too-distant future, the confederal model may be the one that they will need to have updated and at their disposal.

This book is a comparative study of the meaning, characteristics, and development of pan-movements, a synonym for macro-nationalisms, in the last century. It seeks to clarify the origins and developments of all the important pan-movements as historical phenomena. Beginning with an introductory chapter defining the characteristics of nationalism per se, Professor Snyder, in this companion volume to his Global Mini-Nationalisms: Autonomy or Independence, considers specific pan-movements which have sought to combine existing nationalisms into a larger entity: Pan-Slavism, Pan-Germanism, Pan-Europeanism, the pan-movements of Turkey, Pan-Islamism, Pan-Arabism, Zionism, Pan-Asianism, Pan-Africanism, et al. Although studies of these pan-movements exist individually, this is the first comparative study of macronationalisms.

In case studies and comparative analysis of Canada, the United States, France, Switzerland, and Belgium, a distinguished international group of scholars looks at how and why provinces, states, cantons, and large municipalities increasingly seek access to foreign sources of wealth and technological information. The first book to explore the subject, this new study examines the effects of these initiatives on the traditional conduct of foreign policy and foreign trade and the implications of the continued perforation of national boundaries already subject to an unprecedented flow of foreign products, cultural influences, and visitors, as well as environmental pollution from abroad.

This is a pioneer theoretical study of diplomacy from the viewpoint of political science. It defines diplomacy precisely, and distinguishes it from the other institutions with which it is often confused. The work commences with a historical analysis of diplomacy through the ages in order to afford a theoretical description of the concept. After defining the term, Calvet de Magalhaes goes on to examine the value of current ideas concerning diplomacy. He also describes deviations from normal diplomatic practice, such as backchannel diplomacy, combat diplomacy, and espionage. The work concludes with a detailed precis of the different elements of diplomatic activity.

United States diplomatic policy towards European Jews, Zionists, and Israelis remains vitally important to the stability and international posture of numerous countries. This study traces the evolution of that policy from its roots in isolated responses to post-World War I antisemitism to its coherent statement in the post-World War II era. Topics such as the Jewish minority problem in Europe, the history of U.S.-Zionist relations, and the American response to the Holocaust, often treated separately, are here studied together, and their integral part within U.S. policy emphasized.Told in narrative form, this is the story of the origins of U.S. policy towards European Jews and the Jews' reaction to that policy. Reluctant Ally is a powerful account of how the American outrage at mistreatment of European Jewry joined with the Zionist movement to support the inevitable settling of Palestine. Policy changed rapidly from 1900 to mid-century, and this objective discussion of the various aspects of that development brings many new facts to light and furnishes information that can enhance understanding of current U.S. policy toward Israel as well as the current war in the Middle East.

Citizenship is a fundamental concept in social life, entailing rights, obligations, and relationships with others. Modern citizenship did not emerge from a philosopher's study or a laboratory experiment; instead, it was decisively shaped in the French Revolution. This book is about the processes by which that happened.The creation of a new kind of citizenship was not a simple act. The rights and obligations of citizens were going to be extensive; they needed to be defined and debated. The topics discussed in this book, which detail these rights and obligations, will be of interest to French historians as well as to political scientists and sociologists.

This edited collection focuses on the problem of social justice, or, more particularly, how the demand for social justice was articulated and implemented in ancient civilizations, including, from east to west, the Chinese, Indian, Iranian, Babylonian, Assyrian, Israelite, Egyptian, Greek, and Roman. These essays are supplemented by discussions of the functioning of social justice in early and medieval Islam and in the postmedieval Anglo-Saxon world.The volume contains extended discussions of specific legal regulations, royal edicts, and socioeconomic practices in the various civilizations, and examinations of their social, political, and economic consequences. Written by leading scholars in their respective fields, this volume will be of great interest to researchers dealing with the ancient world and the evolution of political philosophy and legal and economic rights.

The relationship between economic and political thinking has reached a crisis at the end of the 20th century. Already at the beginning of this century, in Roman Catholicism and Political Form, Carl Schmitt juxtaposed a juridical interpretation of religion oriented to the political sphere to Max Weber's sociological interpretation oriented to the economic sphere in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism.According to G. L. Ulmen, translator of Roman Catholicism and Political Form

Lister traces the little known story of how the first confederal type unions sprang up in ancient Greece, and how they were revived in medieval and early modern times, not just in Switzerland and the Dutch Republic, but in New England's colonies of the 17th century.Following an introduction in which the nature of confederal type governance is described, Lister examines the ancient Greek sympolities (the precursors of full-scale confederations), the Hanseatic League, the old Swiss Confederation, the Dutch Republic, and, finally, the United Colonies of New England. Each chapter closes with a series of conclusions regarding unions. Lister concludes the book with a summary of the achievements of the early confederations. This detailed synthesis of what is known of the little studied early confederations will be of primary interest to scholars and students of international relations, military history, and political theory.

Growing interest in the ideas of the German legal and political theorist Carl Schmitt have sparked an interest in the thinkers and ideas that influenced him. Chief among those influences stands the 19th-century Spanish and conservative thinker Juan Donoso Cortés (1809-1853). Donoso stands in a unique place in the ideological trajectory of conservative, counter-revolutionary thought that started with the reaction of Joseph de Maistre and Louis de Bonald against the French Revolution and culminated in the rise of fascism in the early twentieth century. As the philosophical successor of de Maistre, Donoso kept de Maistre's ideas on authority and infallibility alive in the midst of the ideological and political controversies and the revolutionary tumult of Europe in the mid-19th century. Donoso's theories on infallibility played a crucial role in the definition of papal infallibility during the First Vatican Council in 1870. His theory on dictatorship changed the focus of continental conservative thought away from emphasizing the restoration of a hierarchically ordered civilization through the restoration of the monarchical ancient regime to the establishment of order and hierarchy by any necessary and effective means. This theory and his critique of parliamentarianism were especially reflected in the Franco regime in Spain and in the political and legal theories of Carl Schmitt.All the speeches and writings of Cortés that influenced Schmitt are contained in this volume. These major theoretical works appear in English for the first time. Only the Speech on Dictatorship has appeared in English to date. Johnson's Introduction provides extensive commentary on the works and theories developed in them by showing the historical and philosophical context from which they emerged and by pointing out their significance in the development of the counter-revolutionary ideological trajectory leading from de Maistre to fascism. Until now, Donoso has been studied by a small group of mostly conservative and Catholic scholars. This translation makes his ideas more readily available for study by students and scholars of political theory.