Haymarket – serie

Stories from the front line of the war in El Salvador are juxtaposed with tales of a Hollywood-mythological childhood, and the history of Los Angeles, the city-stage where today many of the world's political, cultural and aesthetic battles take place-both symbolically and literally. The parade of characters ranges from Latin American revolutionaries in exile to hip-hop teens in the US inner city; the endless "changing of the guard" in a transitional generation which came too late for Che Guevara and too early for the fall of the Berlin Wall. In scenes from Mexico City, Havana, Tijuana and Los Angeles, Martinez profiles the young guerillas-turned-relief workers of the 1986 Salvadorean earthquake, devotees of an innovative Latino "rocanrol", graffiti gangs and their nightly "bombing runs", and the vibrancy of youth culture in the barrios.

The Los Angeles riots brought the frustrations of America's poor to public attention around the world. The media's treatment of the "race riots" shows only one side of African American experience. Ignoring their strength and everyday courage, the media offers only crack-houses, tenements and penitentiaries; gangs, welfare mothers and pimps. This book cuts through the half-truths perpetuated by the media about Black America, revealing the rich, complex communities which are so often the object of sensationalist cliche. Lynell George, celebrated young Los Angeles journalist, uncovers the histories of resilience and strength behind the African American urban communities in Southern Los Angeles. Neither helpless nor without hope, the "ordinary folk" - social workers, writers, lawyers, artists, school teachers, church leaders, grassroots activists - go about their ordinary lives building and bolstering their communities from within. Far from giving up or giving in, they quietly persist, pushing against the confines of an oppressive society. No Crystal Stair is a celebration of tenacity and endurance, presented in vivid and revealing vignettes, that highlight ordinary city life and the extraordinary women and men who steadfastly endure this dance of survival.

Founded in 1970, the journal Socialist Review has played a uniquely important role in the recent history and intellectual development of the American left. When other left groups and organizations retreated into a depressed sectarianism, Socialist Review was elaborating a vision of a broad-based socialism, intended to intervene within the mainstream of American politics. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, it explored questions about the left's relation to the Democratic Party and the trade-union movement, the potential for 'populist' community politics, and the relevance of European strategies and initiatives to the American experience. The journal played a major role in bringing questions of gender and sexuality to the center of left discourse, and also provided a forum for debate on the radical potential of post-modernism.With an introductory essay which reviews the parallel histories of Socialist Review and the American Left, Unfinished Business brings together many of the liveliest and most significant articles published in the journal over its first twenty years, from the best writers on the left today, includingh Barbara Ehrenreich, Donna Haraway, Stanley Aronowitz and Jeffrey Escoffier. Their subjects range from the construction of racial and sexual identities to the utopian dimensions of Marxist theory, and the cross-impacts of feminism and neoliberalism, community and subjectivity, in a postindustrial world. Fresh in spirit, lean in rhetoric and rich in ideas, this is a provocative and inspiring anthology.

Who speaks for science in a technologically dominated society? In his latest work of cultural criticism Andrew Ross contends that this question yields no simple or easy answer. In our present technoculture a wide variety of people, both inside and outside the scientific community, have become increasingly vocal in exercising their right to speak about, on behalf of, and often against, science and technology.Arguing that science can only ever be understood as a social artifact, Strange Weather is a manifesto which calls on cultural critics to abandon their technophobia and contribute to the debates which shape our future. Each chapter focuses on an idea, a practice or community that has established an influential presence in our culture: New Age, computer hacking, cyberpunk, futurology, and global warming.In a book brimming over with intelligence-both human and electronic-Ross examines the state of scientific countercultures in an age when the development of advanced information technologies coexists uneasily with ecological warnings about the perils of unchecked growth. Intended as a contribution to a "green" cultural criticism, Strange Weather is a provocative investigation of the ways in which science is shaping the popular imagination of today, and delimiting the possibilities of tomorrow.

This collection of original essays brilliantly interrogates the often ambivalent place of Africa in the imaginations, cultures and politics of its "New World" descendants. Combining literary analysis, history, biography, cultural studies, critical theory and politics, Imagining Home offers a fresh and creative approach to the history of Pan-Africanism and diasporic movements. A critical part of the book's overall project is an examination of the legal, educational and political institutions and structures of domination over Africa and the African diaspora. Class and gender are placed at center stage alongside race in the exploration of how the discourses and practices of Pan-Africanism have been shaped.Other issues raised include the myriad ways in which grassroots religious and cultural movements informed Pan-Africanist political organizations; the role of African, African-American and Caribbean intellectuals in the formation of Pan-African thought-including W.E.B. DuBois, C.L.R. James and Adelaide Casely Hayford; the historical, ideological and institutional connections between African-Americans and South Africans; and the problems and prospects of Pan-Africanism as an emancipatory strategy for black people throughout the Atlantic.

In April 1992, the world witnessed a renewal in South Central Los Angeles of the urban violence that had exploded there over a quarter of a century earlier. As in 1965, the spark that ignited the firestorm was Black rage over police brutality. But in both eras the tinder was prepared by decades of social neglect and political disenfranchisement that have left the predominantly non-white urban poor trapped and virtually without hope.Race, Politics, and Economic Development strips away the veneer of mass-media images to examine the underlying causes of Black urban poverty and to recommend means to escape the seemingly endless cycle of retributive violence that it spawns. The book brings together Black activists and scholars, including two former mayors of American cities, to analyse the theoretical and practical problems currently facing the Black community in the United States. The essays collected here are dominated by three key themes: that political influence, power, and wealth are major factors in determining social welfare policies directed at Blacks, the poor and the working class; that both liberal and conservative policies over the last fifty years are no longer effective in alleviating a growing human service crisis among Blacks; and that the political mobilization of impoverished sectors in the Black community is absolutely critical in resolving the problem of poverty in urban America.Drawing on new work in the social sciences, political theory, and economics, and also on the contributors' activist experiences, these essays represent a pathbreaking new agenda for the participation of grassroots Black leaders in developing and implementing urban policy.Contributors: Jeremiah Cotton, Julianne Malveaux, Mack H. Jones, Charles P. Henry, Walter Stafford, William Fletcher Jr., Eugene Newport, Sheila Ards, Jacqueline Pope. Keith Jennings, Lloyd Hogan, Richard Hatcher

Towards the Abolition of Whiteness collects David Roediger's recent essays, many published here for the first time, and counts the costs of whiteness in the past and present of the US. It finds those costs insupportable. At a time when prevailing liberal wisdom argues for the downplaying of race in the hope of building coalitions dedicated to economic reform, Roediger wants to open, not close, debates on the privileges and miseries associated with being white. He closely examines the way in which white identities have historically prepared white Americans to accept the oppression of others, the emptiness of their own lives, and the impossibility of change.Whether discussing popular culture, race and ethnicity, the evolution of such American keywords as gook, boss and redneck, the strikes of 1877 or the election of 1992, Roediger pushes at the boundaries between labor history and politics, as well as those between race and class. Alive to tension within what James Baldwin called "the lie of whiteness," Roediger explores the record of dissent from white identity, especially in the cultural realm, and encourages the search for effective political challenges to whiteness.

"It is frightening to think the [Jon Wiener] teaches history at a university..." - Jacques Derrida "Wiener takes the modern university as his beat, and covers it like a police reporter ...Wiener's mean streets are the think tank, the scholarly symposium, and the faculty lounge. And when he's had enough of this academic low life, he listens to Elvis, Springsteen and the Beatles. He even listens to Frank Sinatra." - John Leonard "In this book, Jon Wiener demonstrates his great skill as guerrilla sharpshooter in the forty-year war that the National Security State has been conducting against the American people. These reports from the field - the resistance - illuminate Nixon and Watergate as never before, reveal in fascinating detail the turbulence within Academe, invoke pity if not awe for that unexpected victim of state, Frank Sinatra." - Gore Vidal "Wiener is good at spotting, and blasting, paranoid fantasy and incompetence in high (and low) places and his range of targets is impressively wide ...[his] surveys are lucid, trenchant and brief." - Observer

In the years of the Reagan-Bush era, the controversy over 'political correctness' erupted on American campuses, spreading to the mainstream media as right-wing pundits like Dinesh D'Souza and Roger Kimball prosecuted their publicity campaign against progressive academics. Michael Bérubé's brilliant new book explains how and why the political correctness furore emerged, and how the right's apparent stranglehold on popular opinion about the academy can be loosened.Traversing the terrain of contemporary cultural criticism, Bérubé examines the state of cultural studies, the significance of postmodernism, the continuing debate over multicultural curricula, and the recent revisions of literary history in American studies. Also included is Bérubé's witty and self-deprecating autobiographical reflection on why interpretive theory has emerged as an indispensable part of education in the humanities over the past decadePublic Access insists that academics must exercise more responsibility towards the publics who underwrite but often misunderstand their work and its significance. Taken seriously as a potential audience, Bérubé argues, such publics can be weaned from their present inclination to believe the distortions and half-truths peddled by the right's ideologues. The goal of such 'public access' criticism is not just a better environment for teachers and scholars, but a world in which education itself achieves its proper place in a society committed to equality of opportunity and true critical thinking.

The ignominious failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961 marked the culmination of a curious episode at the height of the Cold War. At the end of the fifties, restless and rebellious youth, avant-garde North American intellectuals, old leftists, and even older liberals found inspiration in the images and achievements of Fidel Castro's revolutionary guerrillas. Fidelismo swept across the US, as young North Americans sought to join the 26th of July Movement in the Sierra Maestra.Drawing equally on cultural and political materials, from James Dean and Desi Arnaz to C. Wright Mills and Studies on the Left, Gosse explains how the peculiar conjuncture of 1950s America produced the first great Third World solidarity movement, the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, which became a locus for the New Left emerging from the ashes of Kennedy's New Frontier.Where the Boys Are captures the strange essence of that much-abused decade, the 1950s, at once demonstrating the perfidy of Cold War American liberal opinion towards Cuba and its revolution while explaining why Fidel and his compañeros made such appealing idols for the young, the restless, and the politically adventurous.

This innovative and absorbing book surveys a little known chapter in the story of American urbanism-the history of communities built and owned by single companies seeking to bring their workers' homes and place of employment together on a single site. By 1930 more than two million people lived in such towns, dotted across an industrial frontier which stretched from Lowell, Massachusetts, through Torrance, California to Norris, Tennessee. Margaret Crawford focuses on the transformation of company town construction from the vernacular settlements of the late eighteenth century to the professional designs of architects and planners one hundred and fifty years later. Eschewing a static architectural approach which reads politics, history, and economics through the appearance of buildings, Crawford portrays the successive forms of company towns as the product of a dynamic process, shaped by industrial transformation, class struggle, and reformers' efforts to control and direct these forces.

What explains the proliferation of authoritarian regimes-some calling themselves "socialist"-in contemporary African and Caribbean politics?One of America's leading black scholars assesses the historical and social forces that have undermined democracy and social reform in the societies of Africa and its diaspora. In a brilliant historical sketch of the evolution of revolutionary nationalism, Marable illustrates how the legacies of slavery, forced labor and colonialism have combined to stunt the development of popular self-representation. Considering in detail the key cases of Ghana and Guyana, he explains why mass anti-colonial movements eventually decayed into personalistic and repressive cults around Nkrumah and Burnham.The core of the book is an impassioned and searching analysis of the tragic self-destruction of the Grenadian Revolution in 1983. Increasing reliance on a corrupted "democratic centralism" within the New Jewel Movement led to its violent implosion followed by Reagan's invasion. While defending the achievements of the martyred Bishop regime, Marable argues that African and Caribbean socialism must find new commitments to egalitarian democracy and pluralism.

Current debates about the future of the family are often based on serious misconceptions about its past. Arguing that there is no biologically mandated or universally functional family form, Stephanie Coontz traces the complexity and variety of family arrangements in American history, from Native American kin groups to the emergence of the dominant middle-class family ideal in the 1890s.Surveying and synthesizing a vast range of previous scholarship, as well as engaging more particular studies of family life from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries, Coontz offers a highly original account of the shifting structure and function of American families. Her account challenges standard interpretations of the early hegemony of middle-class privacy and "affective individualism," pointing to the rich tradition of alternative family behaviors among various ethnic and socioeconomic groups in America, and arguing that even middle-class families went through several transformations in the course of the nineteenth century.The present dominant family form, grounded in close interpersonal relations and premised on domestic consumption of mass-produced household goods has arisen, Coontz argues, from a long and complex series of changing political and economic conjunctures, as well as from the destruction or incorporation of several alternative family systems. A clear conception of American capitalism's combined and uneven development is therefore essential if we are to understand the history of the family as a key social and economic unit. Lucid and detailed, The Social Origins of Private Life is likely to become the standard history of its subject.

On the current battlefield of cultural criticism and production, no term has been more vigorously contested than 'postmodernism'. Defying clear definition, yet persisting as an indispensable category, it has become one of the central topics in the theory and practice of contemporary culture.Postmodernism and Its Discontents collects some of the major theoretical statements in this debate, including the key intervention of Fredric Jameson, and pits them against original contributions by a range of younger writers who explore the terrain of postmodernism in a variety of cultural practices. Essays on poetry and punk culture, recent American fiction, rock videos, Hollywood and foreign film, and sports and soap operas complement more directly theoretical pieces which tackle, to repeat the title of one essay, 'what is at stake in the debate on postmodernism.'Above all, this collection is distinguished by its steadfast refusal to elide the determinate political issues posed by postmodernism. Each of the essays insists upon the materiality of cultural production, locating various post-modernist practices in the social conditions of contemporary life, including the overarching structures of gender and class.

Over the past decade American labor has faced a tidal wave of wage cuts, plant closures and broken strikes. In this first comprehensive history of the labor movement from Truman to Reagan, Kim Moody shows how the AFL-CIO's conservative ideology of "business unionism" effectively disarmed unions in the face of a domestic right turn and an epochal shift to globalized production. Eschewing alliances with new social forces in favor of its old Cold War liaisons and illusory compacts with big business, the AFL-CIO under George Meany and Lane Kirkland has been forced to surrender many of its post-war gains.With extraordinary attention to the viewpoints of rank-and-file workers, Moody chronicles the major, but largely unreported, efforts of labor's grassroots to find its way out of the crisis. In case studies of auto, steel, meatpacking and trucking, he traces the rise of "anti-concession" movements and in other case studies describes the formidable obstacles to the "organization of the unorganized" in the service sector. A detailed analysis of the Rainbow Coalition's potential to unite labor with other progressive groups follows, together with a pathbreaking consideration of the possibilities of a new "labor internationalism."

"The implied narrative of this collection is the journalist's background, the imperial myths that helped to shape him, the impulse to exile and his encounter with the Reagan era. The background, the myths and the impulse to exile form the first three sections of this book, whose overall architecture will, I hope, give some sense of the terms in which I have viewed my trade."-Alexander Cockburn, from the introduction

Our Own Time retells the story of American labor by focusing on the politics of time and the movements for a shorter working day. It argues that the length of the working day has been the central issue for the American labor movement during its most vigorous periods of activity, uniting workers along lines of craft, gender and ethnicity. The authors hold that the workweek is likely again to take on increased significance as workers face the choice between a society based on free time and one based on alienated work and unemployment.

Youth, Identity, Power is the classic study of the origins of the 1960s Chicano civil rights movement. Written by a leader of the Chicano student movement who also played a key role in the creation of the wider Chicano Movement, this is the first full-length work to appear on the subject. It fills an important gap in the history of political and social protest in the United States.Carlos Muñoz places the Chicano Movement in the context of the political and intellectual development of people of Mexican descent in the USA, tracing the emergence of student activists and intellectuals in the 1930s and their initial challenge to the dominant white racial and class ideologies. He then documents the rise and fall of the Chicano Movement of the 1960s, situating it within the 1960s civil rights and radical movements and assessing the Chicano Movement's contribution to the development of the Mexican American population and the Latino population as a whole.In an afterword to this new edition, Muñoz charts the burgeoning growth of US Latino communities, assesses the nativist backlash against them, and argues that Latinos must play a central role in a new movement for multiracial democracy.

In this wide-ranging new collection the author of the acclaimed The New York Intellectuals surveys the current crisis of the writers and cultural workers radicalized by the 1960s. He argues that the left can draw strength by reconceptualizing its cultural legacy as a rich, diverse stream of political and cultural experiences flowing over six decades. Writing from the Left draws deeply on this tradition, highlighting its contemporary relevance.After an assessment of some classic US Marxist texts, Wald resurrects numerous "lost" radical writers from the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s, applying today's concerns about race, gender and mass culture to the past. He then analyzes more recent developments in Marxist scholarship, combining oral history, close textual analysis, fresh primary research, and empirically grounded theory to argue that a Marxism based on anti-Stalinist principles can learn much from the hidden, misunderstood legacy of US Communism. Indeed, in his view the importance of anti-racist political struggle in this tradition has been - and should remain - the "great theme" of the US cultural and political left.

Circus Americanus is a riotous excursion through America's changing visual landscape. Exploring its remote corners and bizarre byways, Ralph Rugoff takes us on a tour of theme park slums and mystical police cars, futurist war and the "aesthetics of safe chaos." With an idiosyncratic eye for detail, he maps a culture in which "reality" has become just another theme, revealing an America much stranger than the glamorous kitsch of its surfaces. Whether he is writing about Las Vegas casinos, forensic cartoons, the enigma of Napoleon's preserved penis or the aesthetics of sewage treatment, Rugoff considers everyday marvels with a concern for how we live together in a world beyond belief.

By the year 2000, Mexicans and other Latinos will comprise fifty percent of the population of Los Angeles. In this new book, the author of the widely praised Occupied America describes the harsh realities facing Chicanos in LA today.

What do men-white straight men in particular-want? In a series of witty and provocative investigations of American popular culture, Fred Pfeil exposes the contradictions in the construction of white heterosexual masculinity over the last fifteen years. White Guys probes such topics as the rock'n'roll bodies of Bruce Springsteen, Axl Rose, and the late Kurt Cobain; the "male rampage" films Die Hard and Lethal Weapon and the films of "sensitive transformation" that followed in their wake; and the curious yet symptomatic activities of the men's movement whose "rituals" Pfeil has investigated firsthand.

A powerful debunking of the myths of globalization. What are the implications for culture and politics of the current fashion for talking about globalization? In a powerful study of capitalism in the advanced industrial North, Paul Smith demystifies much of the cant that surrounds this discourse and offers searching analyses of a series of cultural phenomena that have emerged in Germany, Britain and the United States during the 1990s. Opening with an examination of the rhetoric of globalization, Smith then makes a study of these three North Atlantic capitalist societies on the eve of the millennium. In Germany he looks at the impact of unification, in particular on the license to loot the former East Germany that is the Treuhand. Turning to Britain, he poignantly describes the serried legacies of Thatcherism, including the movement of resistance against the poll tax that ended her twelve-year reign. Then, in a culminating tour de force, he describes the mediatization of US culture that reached its apogee during the Gulf War and is now visible everywhere in the corporate hyping of the Internet and the Worldwide Web.

Spanning time and space from late Victorian Britain and Ireland to postwar America and Latin America, Late Imperial Culture maps crucial regions in the terrain of imperial cultural practices including theater, film, photography, fiction, autobiography, and body art. The forms reviewed in this lively collection range from those which accept and reproduce empire's dominant self-images to scathing critiques of the oppressions that colonialism has visited upon its subjects and the price it continues to exact from them.A diverse range of theoretically sophisticated and historically informed contributors take as given two fundamental facts about the culture of imperialism: firstly, that it has a long and complex history which, in the present epoch, merits its being designated "late"; and, secondly, that its impact on the contemporary world is far from exhausted. Together they highlight the contradictions in the serried cultural practices of imperialism in its different historical periods.Contributors: Aijaz Ahmad, Steven Cagan, Román de la Campa, David Glover, May Joseph, Caren Kaplan, Rob Nixon, Ella Shohat, Robert Stam, and Marianna Torgovnick.

At the age of 20, after being expelled from his California university for anti-war activism, Marc Cooper moved to Santiago and worked as translator for Chilean President Salvador Allende. The heat of Allende's socialist revolution forged Cooper's political and reporting skills, indelibly imprinting them with a radical perspective. In 1973, at great personal risk, he began first-hand reporting on the fiery destruction of Allende's government and Chilean democracy as a result of the US-financed coup. Twenty years later, travelling as a radical journalist in a reactionary world, Cooper continues to chronicle, with humor and detail, the events that make the headlines. In this book, he takes readers on a tour of the New World Order, including Pinochet's Chile, Nicaragua in the last hours of the Sandinistas, Soweto under siege, Panama still smoking after the US invasion, Baghdad bracing for the apocalypse and into the new Moscow mafia. The title piece shows Che Guevara's grandson and a new generation of Cuban youth still yearning for Che's ever-elusive promise of freedom. The second half of the book, set exclusively in the US, gives a ground-level view of a society in dizzying decay. Readers fly in Bill Clinton's private campaign plane from New Hampshire to Georgia while the candidate shifts his image-even his accent-in the quest for votes. Readers are guided through America's cultural background, from Dan Quayle and his confrontation with Hollywood to the ambassadors from armageddon who dominated the 1992 Republican Convention. When Cooper's home town, Los Angeles, burns with a thousand fires of rage, he takes readers to the very edge of history, describing America's war with itself. This journey culminates in a personal trip to the city that stands as an icon for the marketplace ethos of today-Las Vegas.

For the first time in a generation chain gangs have reappeared on the roads of the American South. Associated in the past with racial terrorism, this cruel and unusual punishment should invoke strong memories. But, in the rush to embrace ever-harsher sanctions, the American public has ignored the troubling history of Southern punishment.Twice the Work of Free Labor is the first book-length study of the history of the Southern convict-lease system and its successor, the chain gang. For nearly a century after the abolition of slavery, convicts labored in the South's mines, railroad camps, brickyards, turpentine farms and then road gangs, under abject conditions. The vast majority of these prisoners were African Americans. In this timely book, Alex Lichtenstein reveals the origins of this vicious penal slavery, explains its persistent and widespread popularity among whites, and charts its unhappy contribution to the rebirth of the South in the decades following the Civil War.The book also offers an original analysis of the post-Civil War South's political economy. Lichtenstein suggests that, after emancipation, forced black labor was exploited not by those who yearned for the social order of the slave South, but by the region's most ardent advocates of progress. The convict-lease and chain gang allowed a New South to rise while preserving white supremacy.

In this comprehensive study of current labour relations worldwide, Kim Moody surveys both sides of the picket lines. He provides a measured assessment of multinational managements' strategies to downsize, introduce flexible production and compel workers to accept less pay for more work. He emphasizes the need, in the face of these changes, for renewal and international coordination among national unions and provides examples, from North America, Latin America, Europe and Asia, of how this has been achieved.A bracing riposte to the conventional wisdom concerning the irresistible power of globalization, Workers in a Lean World is a definitive account of contemporary labor relations on a global scale.

When did mass culture first appear in the United States? How was it conceived, produced and disseminated? Who were the main players in its manufacture? Richard Ohmann argues persuasively that the pivotal juncture came at the turn of the twentieth century when magazines began to reach large audiences and to depend heavily on advertising revenues. Mass circulation of magazines, combined with the rise of brand name products, facilitated the emergence of a homogenized mass culture (one produced by the few for the many in the name of profit) for the first time. This epochal change in the making of culture took place through the energy and innovations of diverse agents - publishers, readers, ad men, merchandisers-acting to achieve disparate but compatible goals. Ohmann shows how their efforts succeeded because they answered to the needs of big business at a time when industrial capitalism's greatest achievements had led to its deepest crisis. Knitting together social and economic history with literary criticism and cultural theory, Ohmann develops a powerful new account of consumer society and of the social class in which it first took root.

The American hemisphere is now more tightly interconnected than ever before, with the trend toward greater economic, social and cultural integration apparently certain to continue. In this landmark text, Charles Bergquist offers a fresh interpretation of the historical background to this integration from the unusual perspective of labor. Focusing on slices of US history, and built around critiques of a handful of classic and influential texts, his five essays form not a conventional narrative history but rather a study in the construction of historical meaning, and an invitation to make use of history in the forging of a new, more democratic understanding of politics in the Americas.The book opens with an illustration of how the different labor systems of colonial America best explain the great disparity in development and power between the US and Latin America today. It goes on to link the origins of US imperialism to labor's democratic studies at home, and to explore labor's role in the Latin American social revolutions, before presenting an analysis of popular culture in the Americas in which Donald Duck is revealed as the representative of all workers. Will Donald rewrite the history books and, in our post-Cold War era, realize his democratic potential? Or will he bungle the job and succumb to the postmodern confusions of the capitalists' "New World Order?"