Modern Intellectual and Political History of the Middle East – serie

Mehrzad Boroujerdi challenges the way many Americans perceive present-day Iran as well as how Iranians view the West. He examines the works of thinkers seminal in defining modern Iran (virtually unknown in the U.S.) and concludes the Islam was not the primary source of their inspiration. Their efforts to forge an "authentic" national identity lay at the heart of Iranian thought. These intellectuals (both religious and secular) appropriated Islam as the vehicle through which they could most effectively challenge or accommodate modernity and Westernization. Through such a fitting appropriation, Boroujerdi asserts, could modern Iranian thinkers lay the foundation for a nativist vision of an unsullied culture, seemingly free of Western influence. Drawing on the works of Michel Foucault and Edward Said, this book explores how Iranians use their own misunderstandings about the West to form their own identity and, in return, how Westerners describe Iran in negative terms to help them reaffirm the superiority of their own culture. Boroujerdi also argues that Iranian intellectuals have been deeply indebted to Western thought, which has served as the cultural reference through which they continue to struggle with issues of identity and selfhood.

This study of the relationship between Muslim culture and Western modernity, portrays a society bound to its own glorified history - yet facing an external reality from the West. The meeting of these two worlds leads to a profound distortion, especially in how the Muslim world sees itself.

The boundaries between the seven constituent emirates of the United Arab Emirates form one of the most complex territorial landscapes in the Middle East that is marked simultaneously by striking fragmentation on the map and inconspicuousness on the ground. Niklas A. Haller traces how such boundaries were shaped, dismantled, disregarded, and reappeared throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. He analyzes how the forces of oil and empire combined in progressively transforming the native system to the benefit of a select number of coastal rulers, ultimately bestowing upon them a maze of territorial possessions and a plethora of territorial disputes. When the seven Trucial Rulers came together in 1971 to form the UAE, the new federation only slowly succeeded in decreasing the visibility and importance of the inter-emirate boundaries as it asserted itself under Abu Dhabi’s aegis. Drawing Boundaries opens a previously unexplored lens on Emirati history that allows a more nuanced understanding of many of its key aspects: the impact and legacy of the imperial period, the formation of the UAE, and political trajectories during the federation’s early years.

To curb the influence of minority populations and "outside enemies," the Ottoman government implemented new and experimental Tanzimat reforms within the empire’s center and provincial regions. By the 1860s, the city of Rusçuk in present-day Bulgaria and capital of the Ottoman Danube province became a test case for this expansive reform movement within an urbanizing and contested peripheral landscape. In Empire and Nation in the City, Mehmet Çelik traces how the Danube province and Rusçuk, in particular, experienced a series of swift political transitions from a "modernized" Ottoman administration, to a Russian provisional government, and finally to a Bulgarian nation-state. Çelik examines the transformative effects of each political system, arguing that Bulgarian nationalism was not a uniform ideology, but a flexible and mutable one that engaged multiple loyalties—Bulgarian and Ottoman among them. To understand these competing loyalties, he explores the diverse religious and multiethnic makeup of Rusçuk and the multifaceted responses to imperial control, nationalist sympathies, and political movements. Rather than assess Ottoman rule and Bulgarian nationhood as separate periods, Çelik bridges these moments to understand the continuity of Ottoman reforms within a burgeoning Bulgarian nation.

In 1905 Iranian women had been sold to pay taxes or taken as booty in a raid by tribesmen from a village. The narration of this event took all Iran by storm and shortly after the opening of the new parliament in 1906 relatives of these women demanded that parliament punish those responsible. Najmabadi investigates why this incident was so powerful.

This is a selection of the finest essays by Serif Mardin, offering a historical and cultural analysis of the late Ottoman period and Republican Turkey. This book collects Serif Mardin's seminal essays written throughout the span of his prolific career. Comprising some of the author's finest and most incisive writings, these essays deal with the historical background, political travails, and socioeconomic metamorphosis of Turkey during a century of modernization. With his characteristic sophistication and breadth of vision, Mardin provides readers with a remarkably objective analysis of ideology, civil society, religion, urban life, and violence in late Ottoman and Republican Turkey. Mardin moves easily from sociological topics on violence and class-consciousness to the history of the Ottoman Empire, and the philosophy and culture of modern Turkey within the greater Middle East. These influential pieces - collected for the first time in one volume - represent an invaluable addition to the field of Middle East studies.

Extensively documented and updated since its first publication in 1962, this volume provides a detailed study of the men and events that have shaped Turkey's modern political ideologies.

By focusing almost entirely on intellectual discourse among the clergy, this text engages the major theoretical discourses of modernity in an attempt to address some of the central theoretical issues involved in modernity and Iran's experience of these issues.

Since President Mohammad Khatami's landslide victory in May 1997, the Islamic Republic of Iran has been a study in contradictions. Whilst Khatami condemned his nations's fanatical past, there still remains an opposing faction towards the West. This study analyses Iran's post-revolutionary politics.

Mohammad Mosaddeq is widely regarded as the leading champion of secular democracy and resistance to foreign domination in Iran's modern history. Mosaddeq became prime minister of Iran in May 1951 and promptly nationalized its British-controlled oil industry, initiating a bitter confrontation between Iraq and Britain that increasingly undermined Mossaddeq's position. He was finally overthrown in August 1953 in a coup that was organized and led by the United States' Central Intelligence Agency. This coup initiated a twenty-five-year period of dictatorship in Iran, leaving many Iranians resentful of the U.S. - legacies that still haunt relations between the two countries today. The book examines the turbulent political climate that prevailed in Iran during Mosaddeq's time the struggle between Iran and Britain for control over oil, the strategic considerations that led U.S. officials to opt for a coup, and the details of the coup itself. Based on exhaustive research by leading academic experts in the field, this is the most authoritative account of the tragic events that led to the overthrow of Mosaddeq. With the recent declassification of CIA documents regarding the 1953 coup that overthrew Mohammad Mossadeq's government in Iran, there is an opportunity for new in-depth analysis into not only the coup itself but the events that led up to it.

In this book, Mansour Bonakdarian provides a detailed account of the British involvement and support of the Iranian constitutional and national struggle of 1906-1911, which was directed against the Iranian autocracy and Anglo-Russian imperial intervention of Iran. In particular, Bonakdarian examines the role of the Persia Committee, a lobbying group founded in 1908 for the sole purpose of changing Britain's policy towards Iran. This book's strength lies in its coverage of how Edward Grey's policy towards Iran was shaped and the extent to which it was affected by sustained criticism from a number of disparate group of dissenters, radicals, socialists, liberal imperialists, and conservatives. The volume and breadth of primary archival materials used is extensive. Not only have all the standard collections been examined, such as the Foreign Office files and the Cabinet and Grey papers but also numerous private archives in international libraries have been consulted. Bonakdarian's deep understanding of the Iranian issues adds a rich and balanced approach to the literature in the field. With clear and systematic arguments, he offers an account of diplomatic history that is accessible and persuasive. His scholarship is certain to reinvigorate dialogue on the subject of Anglo-Iranian relations.

Written by scholars from a range of disciplines concerned with the Middle East and Islam (history, religious studies, anthropology, sociology, political science) and covering the Muslim world extensively (from Malaysia, Turkey, Sudan, Egypt, Israel/Palestine to Muslim communities in Europe and the United States), this important contribution to the debate on globalization sets a standard in dealing with this pervasive force in the field of Islamic and Middle Eastern studies.

Of the many Islamist groups that have emerged within the Muslim world over the last two decades, perhaps none has had so great an impact on Middle Eastern and International affairs as Hizbullah, the Party of God. This group of mainly Lebanese Shi'ite Muslims gained both infamy and fame by its resort to militancy mixed with political pragmatism in the pursuit of its goals. The oscillation between these two extremes has left most scholars and policymakers perplexed. This book serves as a pathway for understanding not only Hizbullah but also for other Islamist groups and their challenges to contemporary politics. A. Nizar Hamzeh examines the Hizbullah of Lebanon through a structural analysis using original and archival sources. Based on a constructed theoretical framework from a number of theories on crisis conditions, leadership, political parties and guerrilla warfare, In the Path of Hizbullah stands alone in its qualitative and quantitative treatment of one of the most complex contemporary Islamist organizations and provides a view of the party's future.

This book provides an informed analysis of the ideological content of Kemalism - the name given to Mustafa Kemal Ataturk's party's political thought and practice - and the persistently official and semi-official, hegemonic ideology of the Turkish Republic, formally founded in 1923. Through a textual and contextual analysis of Kemalism in Atarurk's speeches and the official documents of the ruling Republican People's Party, Taha Parla and Andrew Davison offer fresh interpretations of the political, economic, social, and cultural goals of the Kemalist version of Turkish nationalism. They also provide an astute analysis of the power and authority that Araturk and his collegues believed were necessary to achieve their implementation, and of the institutions created in that process. Kemalism as a democratizing and secularizing framework for modern governance is debated by illuminating Kemalism's emphatic and self-conscious, corporatist ideological core. The authors show how Kemalism's conceptions of society, national identity, the relationship between the state and Islam, and other fundamental political dynamics require a rethinking of its democratic, secular, and modernist reputation, and its prospects for, and barriers to, a more democratic Turkey within the Kemalist legacy.

This is a cohesive collection that brings together the most recent and innovative scholarship on the subject of memory and identity in the France-Algeria colonial and postcolonial relationship, exploring topics from history and photography to culture and religion. The relationship between Algeria and France that formed during the 132 years of colonial rule did not end in 1962 when Algeria gained its independence. This long period of occupation left an indelible mark on the social fabric of both societies, one that continues to influence their cultures, identities, and politics. Wide-ranging in scope yet complementary in focus, the essays deftly convey the extent to which the French colonial experience in Algeria resonates on both sides of the Mediterranean. Young and established scholars shed light on the linguistic, cultural, and social mechanisms of violence, remembrance, forgetting, fantasy, nostalgia, prejudice, mythmaking, and fractured identity. The book's three major sections center on particular aspects of identity, memory, or nostalgia: ""Identity Reconsidered,"" ""Memory or Forgetting,"" and ""Nostalgia."" Addressing the nature of Franco-Algerian relations through such topics as migration, displacement, settler colonialism, racism, and sexuality, these essays provide an important contribution to postcolonial studies, cultural studies, and North African history. With renewed public debate surrounding the two countries' shared past and their interwoven communities today, this volume will be indispensable for anyone with an interest in the relations between Algeria and France and the literature on memory and nostalgia.

In the past twenty-five years Iran has experienced a revolution and a turbulent post revolutionary period under an Islamic state that declared itself the government of the oppressed while it struggled to establish a utopian Islamic economy. In this pioneering work Farhad Nomani and Sohrab Behdad provide a comprehensive analysis of the dynamics of change and class configuration in Iranian society. Using a theoretical framework, they map the trajectory of class changes over time, specifically noting the movements between pre revolutionary and post revolutionary Iran. A centerpiece of the book is its analysis of the changes in the pattern of employment of women in the post revolutionary period. Despite its conceptual and quantitative approach, the book is written in a clear and lucid style, making it accessible to a wide audience. The authors provide a fresh look into Iranian society by exploring the changes in its essential underlying economic structure, and in doing so, the book lays the foundation for comparative studies of social hierarchy of labor in other Middle Eastern countries.

Turkish society is frequently accused of having amnesia. It has been said that there is no social memory in Turkey before Mustafa Kemal Ataturk founded modern Turkey after the first World War. Indeed, in 1923, the newly founded Turkish Republic committed to a modernist future by erasing the memory of its Ottoman past. Now, almost eighty years after the establishment of the Republic, the grandchildren of the founders have a different relationship with history. New generations make every effort to remember, record, and reconcile earlier periods. The multiple and personalized representations of the past with which they engage allow contemporary Turkish citizens to create alternative identities for themselves and their communities. Unlike its futuristic and homogenizing character at the turn of the twentieth century, Turkish nationalism today uses memories to generate varied narratives for the nation as well as the minority groups. Contributors to this volume come from diverse disciplines of anthropology, comparative literature, and sociology but they share a common understanding of contemporary Turkey and how its different representations of the past have become metaphors through which individuals and groups define their cultural identity and political position. They explore the ways people challenge, reaffirm, or transform the concepts of history, nation, homeland, and Republic through acts of memory - effectively demonstrating that memory can be both the basis of cultural reproduction and a form of resistance. The introduction of comparative material to other societies is rare and adds an important new dimension to the analyses.

The great cities of the Middle East and North Africa have long attracted the attention and interest of historians. With the discovery and wider use over the last few decades of the Islamic court records and Ottoman administrative documents, our knowledge of Middle Eastern cities between the seventeenth and early twentieth centuries has vastly expanded. Drawing upon a treasure trove of documents and using a variety of methodologies, the contributors succeed in providing a significant overview of the ways in which Middle Eastern cities can be studied, as well as an excellent introduction to current literature in the field.Islam has often been characterized as an 'urban religion'; recognizing Islam's deep ties to civic matters and to the city itself, the essays gathered here explore the interconnectedness between religion and its geography. The authors effectively define and map out urban social history in the Middle East from the eighteenth to twentieth centuries, affording us a foundational volume that enriches our understanding of society in the late Ottoman and colonial periods.

Explains the nature of the Kurdish north transformation, once an isolated outpost for the Iraqi army and local militia, now an internationally recognized autonomous region, and how it has influenced the relationship between the Kurdistan region and Iraq's central government. The book shows how foreign aid has helped to create and sustain the Kurdish quasi-state, and argues that the generous nature of external assistance to the Kurdistan region over time has given it new forms of legitimacy and leverage in the country.

For more than a century Iran’s social, political, and cultural history has been defined by a struggle toward or away from modernity. In this book Talatoff makes a compelling argument that, despite revolutionary upheaval, the ideals of modernity remain remote due to the absence of a modern notion of sexuality. He illustrates his assertion through the life of Shahrzad, a celebrated stage and screen actress, dancer, journalist, and published poet who eventually became imprisoned and later homeless in the streets of Tehran. Tracing her career along with other pre-revolutionary women artists, Talatoff explores the relationship between gender, sexuality, media, and modernity in Iran.

At the close of the nineteenth century, modern ideas of democracy and equality were slowly beginning to take hold in Iran. Exposed to European ideas about law, equality, and education, upper- and middle-class men and women increasingly questioned traditional ideas about the role of women and their place in society. In apparent response to this emerging independence of women, an anonymous author penned The Education of Women, a small booklet published in 1889. This guide, aimed at husbands as much as wives, instructed women on how to behave toward their husbands, counseling them on proper dress, intimacy, and subservience. One woman, Bibi Khanom Astarabadi, took up the author’s chal­lenge and wrote a refutation of his arguments. An outspoken mother of seven, Astarabadi established the first school for girls in Tehran and often advocated for the rights of women. In The Vices of Men she details the flaws of men, offering a scathing diatribe on the nature of men’s behavior toward women. Astarabadi mixes the traditional florid style of the time with street Persian, slang words, and bawdy language. This new edition faith­fully preserves the style and irreverent tone of the essays. The two texts, together with an introduction and afterword situating both within the customs, language, and social life of Iran, offer a rare candid dialogue between men and women in late nineteenth-century Persia.

Emerging in the early 1970s, the Organization of Iranian People's Fadai Guerrillas (OIPFG) become one of the most important secular leftist political organizations in Iran. Despite their lasting influence and the way in which their efforts helped shape the history of Iran for decades to come, little is known about the group. ""A Guerrilla Odyssey"" presents the first comprehensive examination of the rise and fall of the Fadai urban guerrilla movement in Iran. Drawing on exhaustive analyses of the published and unpublished works of the Fadai Guerrillas, as well as of archival material and interviews with activists, the author demonstrates historically and sociologically the conditions that surrounded the debut and demise of the urban guerrilla warfare that defined Iranian political life in the 1970s Vahabzdeh offers a critique of various aspects of the Fadai's theories of national liberation in an attempt to reconsider the painful relationship among modernization, secularism, and democracy in contemporary Iran. In addition, the author makes a compelling case explaining why older revolutionary social movements of the 1960s and 1970s have transformed into the new democratic social movements that emerged from the 1980s onward in the form of today's women's, student, and youth movements in Iran. ""A Guerilla Odyssey"" is a meticulously researched and engrossing narrative that promises to be a major contribution to the field of Iranian history.

In Pious Citizens, Ringer tells the story of a major intellectual revolution in nineteenth- and early twentieth–century India and Iran, one that radically transformed the role of religion in society. At this time, key theological debates revolved around Zoroastrianism’s capacity to generate ""progress"" and ""civilization."" Armed with both the destructive and creative capacities of historicism, reformers reevaluated their own religious tradition, molding Zoroastrian belief and practice according to contemporary ideas of rational religion and its potential to create pious citizens. Ringer demonstrates how rational and enlightened religion, characterized by social responsibility and the interiorization of piety, was understood as essential for the development of modern individuals, citizens, new public space, national identity, and secularism. She argues persuasively not only that social reform must be accompanied by religious reform but that it is in fact a product of religious reform. Pious Citizens offers new insights into the theological premises behind the promotion of secularism, the privatization of religion, and new national identities. Ringer’s work also explores growing connections between the Iranian and Indian Zoroastrian communities and the revival of the ancient Persian past.

For much of the contemporary history of the Middle East, the Persian Gulf has stood at the center of the region's strategic significance. At the same time, the Gulf has been wracked by political instability and tension. As far back as the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Britain zeroed in on the Persian Gulf as a critical passageway to its crown jewel, India, and entered into protectorate agreements with local ruling families, thus bestowing on them international legitimacy and, eventually, the resources and support necessary to ascend to kingships. Today, the region is undergoing profound changes that range from rapid economic and infrastructural development to tumultuous social and cultural transformations. Far from eroding the area's political significance, these changes have only accentuated rivalries and tensions and have brought to the forefront new challenges to international security and stability.Together, the essays in this volume present a comprehensive, detailed, and accessible account of the international politics of the region. Focusing on the key factors that give the Persian Gulf its strategic significance, contributors look at the influence of vast deposits of oil and natural gas on international politics, the impact of the competing centers of power of Iran and Saudi Arabia, the nature of relationships among countries within the Persian Gulf, and the evolving interaction between Islam and politics. Throughout the collection, issues of internal and international security are shown to be central.Drawing on the comprehensive knowledge and experience of experts in the region, The International Politics of the Persian Gulf shines a bright light on this area, offering insights and thoughtful analyses on the critical importance of this troubled region to global politics.

Ibadi Islam is a distinct sect of Islam, neither Sunni nor Shi’ite, that emerged in the early Islamic period and remains active today in small pockets of North Africa and as the dominant sect of Oman. Despite its antiquity, it has often been misunderstood and remains little known. Seeking to redress this gap and to introduce this influential Islamic school to the non-Arabic-speaking world, Hoffman offers the first book-length overview of Ibadi theology published in English. Beginning with a concise overview of Ibadi history, Hoffman delineates the sectarian movement’s role in the development of Islamic thought, tracing its distinctive teachings and literary history. In the second section, she provides annotated translations of two complementary modern Ibadi theological texts. This unique volume elucidates the religious and political thought by allowing the Ibadi tradition to speak for itself. The Essentials of Ibadi Islam gives readers, specialists and nonspecialists alike, a rare opportunity to understand the major teachings of Ibadi Islam.

The recent political history of Lebanon has been defined by the legacy of war. In addition to repeated external invasions and the ongoing presence of foreign troops of diverse nationalities, the Lebanese people have endured the scars left by a bitterly contested civil war that began in the spring of 1975 and continued unabated for the next fifteen years. While much has been written about the tragedy of the civil war, el-Husseini’s Pax Syriana is the first book focused on the evolution of the postwar political scene. In a series of negotiations brokered by Saudi Arabia, under the auspices of the larger international community, the civil war came to an end with the signing of the Ta’if Agreement. This agreement ushered in an era of Syrian control and rule by a disparate group of power elites. El-Husseini provides an in-depth account of how the political elite left an indelible mark on the Lebanese state and society. Through extensive field work and firsthand interviews, el-Husseini offers an intimate portrait of postwar Lebanon and shows how the Syrian influence brought a degree of stability to this fragmented nation and yet simultaneously undermined the development of a full constitutional democracy as Lebanon began to acquire some of the authoritarian character of the Syrian regime.

The creation of a modern Arabic print language and the secular interpretation of Arab history were among the greatest achievements of the Nahda, the Arab cultural revival of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The language became an instrument as well as a symbol for the construction of national identity. In contrast to the traditional perception of Arab history as intrinsically part of Islamic history, the Nahda introduced a new vision of Arab history predating and outlasting Islamic civilization. Jurji Zaidan was one of the leading thinkers of the Arab Nahda. Through his historical novels, his widely read journal al-Hilal, which is still published today, and his scholarly works, he forged a new cultural Arab identity. In this book, Philipp shows how Zaidan popularized the idea of society that was based on science and reason, and invoked its accessibility to all who aspired to progress and modernity. In the first section, Philipp traces the arc of Zaidan’s career, placing his writings within the political and cultural contexts of the day and analysing his impact on the emerging Arab nationalist movement. The second part consists of a wide selection of Zaidan’s articles and book excerpts translated into English. These pieces cover such fields as religion and science, society and ethics, and nationalism. With the addition of a comprehensive bibliography, this volume will be recognized as the authoritative source on Zaidan, as well as an essential contribution to the study of Arabic cultural history.

Tawfiq al-Hakim (1898–1987) is recognized as one of the most important figures in the history of modern Arabic literature. Considered a pioneer in many literary forms, including drama, novels, and short stories, al-Hakim influenced generations of Egyptian writers. The Revolt of the Young is a collection of essays originally published in 1984 that shows al-Hakim as a public intellectual addressing the ongoing conflict between generations.Al-Hakim muses on the cultural, artistic, and intellectual links and breakages between the old and the young generations. He focuses on the young and their role in the continuing development of Egyptian society, which over the course of the last century or so has undergone foreign occupation, an experiment in parliamentary democracy within a monarchical system, a socialist revolution characterized by both successes and failures, the emergence of a dictatorial presidency, and now the development of a complex political scenario currently dominated by groups with varyingly strong ties to the tenets of Islam. Al-Hakim did not live long enough to witness the most recent phases of this elongated and often disruptive process of experimentation and change, but in his writing, he focuses on the institution that he regards as crucial to any forward progress: the family.The essays present readers with a voice from the past, with uncanny foretelling of issues raised by the events that occurred in Egypt more than twenty years after al-Hakim’s death. Radwan’s translation, along with Roger Allen’s foreword, brings to light al-Hakim’s lucid and erudite commentary, much of it as relevant to the problems facing Egyptian youth today as it was when first published.

The Iranian Constitutional Revolution was the twentieth century’s first such political movement in the Middle East. It represented a landmark in Iranian history because of the unlikely support it received from Shi‘ite clerics who historically viewed Western concepts with suspicion, some claiming constitutionalism to be anti-Islamic. Leading the support was Muhammad Kazim Khurasani, the renowned Shi‘ite jurist who conceived of a supporting role for the clergy in a modern Iranian political system.Drawing on extensive analysis of religious texts, fatwas, and articles written by Khurasani an other pro- and anti-constitutionalists, Farzaneh provides a comprehensive and illuminating interpretation of Khurasani’s religious pragmatism. Despite some opposition from his peers, Khurasani used a form of jurisprudential reasoning when creating shari‘a that was based on human intellect to justify his support of not only the Iranian parliament but also the political powers of clerics. He had a reputation across the Shi‘ite community as a masterful religious scholar, a skillful teacher, and a committed humanitarian who heeded the people’s socioeconomic and political grievances and took action to address them. Khurasani’s push for progressive reforms helped to inaugurate a new era of clerical involvement in constitutionalism in the Middle East.