Phronesis - Böcker

The themes of citizenship and community are today at the center of a fierce debate as both left and right try to mobilize them for their cause. For the left such notions are crucial in all the current attempts to redefine political struggle through extending and deepening democracy. But, argue the contributors to this volume, these concepts need to be made compatible with the pluralism that marks modern democracy. Rather than reject the liberal tradition, they argue, the aim should be to radicalize it.These essays set out to examine what types of "citizen" and "community" might be required by such a radical and plural democracy. From a range of disciplines and a fruitful diversity of theoretical perspectives, the contributors help us to address the following challenge: how to defend the greatest possible pluralism without destroying the very framework of the democratic political community.Despite their differences, a vision emerges from these essays which is sharply at odds both with the universalistic and rationalistic conception to be found in the work of Habermas, and with postmodern celebrations of absolute heterogeneity. For this book is an exploration of politics-of a politics where power, conflict and antagonism will always play a central role.

This lively book examines the major issues raised by the emergence and transformation of various political identities in the contemporary world. The contributors bring together many current trends of thought-Lacanian psychoanalysis, deconstruction, neo-Hegelianism and political philosophy-that are relevant to the question of identity, as well as concrete studies of some of the more important political identities which have emerged in recent decades. A central theme of the book is the logic implicit in the Freudian category of identification and its consequences for understanding politics.The first half of the book explores the theoretical dimensions of the issue of identity formation. The second half brings these more abstract considerations to bear on a number of case studies-the structure of apartheid in South Africa, the rise of Islam, the Palestinian diaspora, the explosion of national identities in former Yugoslavia, the Greens in Germany, and the spread of Rastafarianism in Britain.

Written by Jacques Derrida's leading English-language translator and collaborator, this invigorating and intelligent volume displays the continuing power and versatility of deconstruction, presenting it as the most important intellectual movement of our time. Geoffrey Bennington develops a devastating critique of many attempts to clarify or criticize deconstructive thought, and elaborates its potential through original readings of, amongst others, Rousseau, Kant, Hegel, Freud, De Man and Lyotard. While he is principally concerned with a defence of deconstruction in fields where it has long since demonstrated its critical prowess, Bennington also emphasizes its political dimension. Deconstruction is a political thinking, he argues, because it entails an irreducible opening to alterity (if only in the form of reading); and this opening, where the other always might arrive as an event on the frontier of my experience, is a place for legislation.

New Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time continues the innovative exploration of major issues concerning democracy and socialism which was staked out in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. Examining the meanings of social struggle in the context of late capitalism, Laclau situates the re-making of political identities within a framework of democratic revolution. The critical method is one which describes major structural changes in the contemporary world-system at the same time as it theorizes a coherent and radical interpretative form. This marriage of politics and theory allows the book to embrace topics ranging from the relationship between Marxism and psychoanalysis to the historical significance of May 1968 and forms of political struggle in the third world. In a final section of illuminating interviews the author expounds his most recent thought on politics and philosophy.

The reception of Michel Foucault's work has often been divided between two unsatisfactory alternatives. On the one hand there are those who admire the detail of his concrete analysis, but wonder how the political and ethical commitments they seem to rely on can be justified. On the other, there are those who deny the need for normative foundations, but also find it difficult to explain what makes Foucault's archaeologies and genealogies critical. Rudi Visker's book is not only a lucid and elegant survey of Foucault's corpus, from his early work on madness to the History of Sexuality, but also a major intervention in this debate.Reading Foucault against the Heideggarian backdrop to his work, Visker shows that Foucault's target is not order as such, but rather the production of ordering systems which cannot acknowledge their own conditions of possibility. Exploring along the way such intriguing issues as the ambivalence of Foucault's concepts of truth and power, and his philosophically provocative use of quotation marks, Visker portrays Foucault as neither relativist nor positivist, neither activist nor detached observer. Instead, Foucault emerges as the inventor of a new analysis of our modern mechanisms of control and exclusion: precisely of 'genealogy as critique'.

With the demise of apartheid in South Africa and the movement towards a post-apartheid society in South Africa, questions concerning the nature of apartheid and the identities it fostered are inevitably raised. Deconstructing Apartheid Discourse addresses these issues by revealing both their historical specificity and their implications for the full development of a democratic post-apartheid order.The analysis covers the institution of apartheid as a new form of social division, the transformationist project which characterized it during the 1970s and 1980s, and the disarticulation of that project from the mid 1980s to the present. Central to this analysis is the contention that apartheid, as a failed hegemonic project, can only be understood in its full complexity if attention is given to the specificity of the mode of social division it instituted. The book thus seeks to trace the construction and contestation of the central axes around which its political frontiers were organized.Drawing on a combination of post-Marxist and post-structuralist theorizations of social division and identity formation, Norval develops an account of apartheid discourse which avoids the twin pitfalls of essentialism and objectivism. She offers an analysis of contending visions-including the discourses of the far-right, Inkatha, the new National Party and the ANC-for the future of South Africa, and investigates the prospects for the elaboration of non-racialism as a new political imaginary.

Few concepts in social theory have been used so extravagantly in recent years as the notion of power. Yet, despite its inflated presence, the term is still unclear and under-theorized. In The Circular Structure of Power, Torben Dyrberg rises to the challenge of conceptualizing power through a philosophical examination of its uses in contemporary social theory.Drawing on the insights of Michel Foucault, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Dyrberg brings this continental tradition into a creative dialogue with the Anglo-American tradition represented by figures such as Steven Lukes, William Connolly, Peter Bachrach and Morton Baratz. Moreover, Dyrberg moves from such abstract considerations to their implications for political and democratic theory through an examination of the work of thinkers as diverse as Robert Dahl, John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas and Nicos Poulantzas. Simultaneously engaging with and defying many of the dominant definitions of power, Torben Dyrberg destabilizes and undermines the conventional distinctions and polarities through which power is usually understood. The new perspective offered to us by this investigation is one which goes beyond the assumption that power can be based on and derived from either agency or structure, as if these categories were not somehow constituted by power.

Carl Schmitt's thought serves as a warning against the dangers of complacency entailed by triumphant liberalism. His conception of politics is a sharp challenge to those who believe that the blurring of frontiers between the left and right and the increasing mobilization of political discourse constitute great advances for democracy. Schmitt reminds us forcefully that the essence of politics is a struggle and that the distinction between friend and enemy cannot be abolished.

Whenever an individual asks to be recognized, he asks for confirmation of what he believes himself to be. But he also asks for an establishing act which brings about what he is not yet and what he will be only once he has been recognized. Recognition is thus marked by a tension between two incompatible demands, a tension which triggers a struggle for recognition.Between Cultures is a philosophical attempt to discuss issues related to multiculturalism in the light of this struggle for recognition. Moving effortlessly between philosophy, psychoanalysis, sociology, political theory and literature, it refers to the work of Adorno, Derrida, Freud, Hegel, Heidegger, Rawls, Walzer and Wittgenstein to describe a historical and critical politics of recognition. It also addresses questions of national and sexual identities, with particular reference to the notion of a gay identity in the context of Aids.

There has been, over the last decades, a deep crisis in the models which, for a long time, have been central metaphors governing thought and research in the social sciences. The main symptom in this paradigmatic shift has been the increasing centrality of the 'discourse' approach in social theory. It is Ian Angus's aim here to explore thoroughly the philosophical implications of this shift. He does so by combining serious philosophical reflection with an analysis of the media, which draws on both the phenomenological tradition and the political concerns of the Frankfurt School, post-Marxism and radical democracy. Ranging over the work of Heidegger, Gramsci, Husserl, Levinas, McLuhan and many others, (Dis)figurations is not merely an analytic enterprise however; it is a comprehensive attempt at rethinking the whole project of a critical philosophy.

Despite our tendencies to separate the mind and body, good and evil, Flahault argues that both stem from the same source within us. This knot, inherent to the human condition, is the tension between our desire for absolute self-affirmation and the fact that each of us can only exist through mediation by others. The dependence on others weighs heavy on our shoulders, hampering our very existence.Malice, then, is not merely a result of our biological constitution, but is also a response to our feelings. These can often resemble those of Milton's and Shelley's monsters, stories the author calls upon to understand features of the nature of evil that reason alone cannot grasp.From the Preface:'By combining several disciplines-philosophy, anthropology and literary criticism, as well as psychoanalysis-Flahault scrutinizes the origin of malevolence and reveals that, contrary to the view presented by moral philosophy, it is within us that the roots of wickedness are to be found ... Taking issue with the widely accepted view that monotheism constitutes moral progress, he argues that by instigating a dualism between good and evil, monotheism has in fact foreclosed the possibility of acknowledging the ambivalence of our fascination with the limitless and infinity.' Chantal Mouffe