Political Philosophy Now – serie

In the early 1990's the American academic, political commentator and government advisor, Francis Fukuyama, leapt to prominence with his argument that society had entered a new and lasting phase. He claimed that the change was so dramatic that it might be accurately depicted as representing the end of history. Fukuyama derived his argument from the writings of Kant, Hegel and a critical reading of Marx. This new phase represented the worldwide triumph of liberal democracy with the collapse of Communism. History has ended in the sense that there is no more room for large idealogical battles. This first book, is an in-depth discussion of Fukuyama's influential argument, it is both lucid and thorough. In addition it relates Fukuyama's theory of history to Karl Popper's criticism of historicism and attempts to denote the connection between Fukuyama's account of history, and that of the Christian religion.The book concludes by assessing the impact of Fukuyama's work upon the philosophy of history and its importance in evaluating the recent course of international relations and US foreign policy.

Within Germany, Carl Schmitt's status as a political thinker is on a par with Machiavelli and Hobbes. With the rise in neo-conservatism and authoritarian liberalism in less developed countries such as Chile and Singapore, Schmitt's theories will become of incredible importance. Carl Schmitt had close links with the Weimar Republic and its successor the Nazi Third Reich. His political theories give a valuable insight into the nature of Conservatism. As with all the titles in the Political Philosophy Now Series, the author takes previous political thought and applies to the modern day and extrapolates possibilities for the future. Renato Christi, in his final chapter, also compares Schmitt's theories with those of Hobbes, Hegel and Hayek.

Lyotard shook the cultural world in the late-twentieth century by announcing postmodernism and the end of grand narratives. He captured a feeling of unease about the standpoint of great modern thinkers who claimed to have resolved the big problems of epistemology, society and history. Now, after the first quarter of the twenty-first century, it is apposite to review Lyotard’s observations, which always contained more than soundbites about the end of modernity – just as there is more to Hegel and Marx than the passing of modernist certainties – and this book reviews the whole of Lyotard’s work, adopting a critical attitude to his thinking. It similarly resists taking the thought of Hegel, Marx and other grand theorists for granted, considering them appropriately to arrive at a critical reframing of modern thought in the light of Lyotard’s postmodern perspective.

In this volume the author, Hauke Brunkhorst, not only emphasizes the well-known links between Adorno and the dialectical thinking of Hegel and Marx, but also the connection between Adorno and Kant. The book sheds light on Adorno's negative dialectic.

This work analyzes the impact that Morris's understanding of art had on his political thought, and argues that his socialism was driven by a deeply romantic impulse which underpinned his central contribution to socialist thought. In today's political climate, the assumptions that Morris made about the revolution and his ideas about the socialist economy and the role of women appear impractical and outdated. Nevertheless, this study suggests that there is a role for utopian thought in practical politics and that Morris's image of the good society remains relevant today.

This work analyzes the impact that Morris's understanding of art had on his political thought, and argues that his socialism was driven by a deeply romantic impulse which underpinned his central contribution to socialist thought. In today's political climate, the assumptions that Morris made about the revolution and his ideas about the socialist economy and the role of women appear impractical and outdated. Nevertheless, this study suggests that there is a role for utopian thought in practical politics and that Morris's image of the good society remains relevant today.

This work offers a comprehensive look at Michael Walzer - one of the most prominent social critics in North America -, and his entire body of work. The topics dealt with include: war; the distribution of wealth; political power; healthcare; and both the national and international fields of justice.

If human rights express the equal claim of every person to the recognition and protection of their vital interests, they necessarily assert universal obligations of justice that cross borders. In this book, Sharon Anderson-Gold asks whether there is a normative consensus on human rights and articulates the role of a cosmopolitan or global community in shaping the theory and practice of international politics. She considers several important works in the field of universal human rights and discusses whether a cosmopolitan system of law is a necessary condition for the stable association of nation states. Cosmopolitanism and Human Rights presents an ethical foundation for the idea of human development and attempts to demonstrate the normative character of universal human rights. It claims that Kant's idea of a federation of nations based upon principles of international right remains highly relevant to contemporary aspirations for global justice, and concludes by suggesting that a 'cosmopolitan community' is the locus of a global democratic order and is the necessary framework for the maintenance of human rights.

Ernest Gellner (1925 - 1995) was one of the major thinkers of the twentieth century. He held major chairs in philosophy, sociology and social anthropology during his distinguished career and contributed to a wide range of political and philosophical debates, most notably in linguistic philosophy, the theory of political nationalism and the theory of history. Gellner was also an outspoken defender of the Enlightenment tradition and social democracy. In Ernest Gellner and Modernity, Michael Lessnoff presents a lucid and coherent exposition of Gellner's thought, both in terms of the specific areas in which he worked and the underlying consistency of his theoretical principles. Lessnoff provides a context within which to evaluate Gellner's contribution to social and political thought and, in keeping with the aims of the series, demonstrates the importance of Gellner's work for contemporary political philosophy.

Ernest Gellner (1925 - 1995) was one of the major thinkers of the twentieth century. He held major chairs in philosophy, sociology and social anthropology during his distinguished career and contributed to a wide range of political and philosophical debates, most notably in linguistic philosophy, the theory of political nationalism and the theory of history. Gellner was also an outspoken defender of the Enlightenment tradition and social democracy. In Ernest Gellner and Modernity, Michael Lessnoff presents a lucid and coherent exposition of Gellner's thought, both in terms of the specific areas in which he worked and the underlying consistency of his theoretical principles. Lessnoff provides a context within which to evaluate Gellner's contribution to social and political thought and, in keeping with the aims of the series, demonstrates the importance of Gellner's work for contemporary political philosophy.

It has become fashionable in recent years to see Machiavelli as something of a communitarian democrat, a champion of popular participation, social solidarity and the rule of law. This 'sanitized' version contradicts the familiar portrait of Machiavelli as a treacherous foe of political morality, a sycophantic adviser to tyrants, and a forerunner of modern totalitarianism.In this fresh and stimulating analysis of Machiavelli's political thought, Joseph V. Femia steers a middle course between these two extremes, defending Machiavelli's republican credentials without turning a blind eye to his more shocking pronouncements. The Machiavelli who emerges here rejected metaphysics and pioneered a pragmatic approach to politics governed by circumstances rather than by abstract principles.Femia argues that in fact Machiavelli can be seen as the founder of what we now refer to as liberal pluralism - the view, essential to modern democracy, that the primary purpose of politics is to resolve the competing claims of diverse values and interests. Machiavelli Revisited offers a significant reinterpretation of one of the major figures in political theory, and demonstrates the continuing relevance of Machiavelli's thought for the contemporary world.

'John Rawls: Towards a Just World Order' is a concise and detailed analysis of one of the foremost political philosophers of our time that demonstrates the importance of Rawls's work for contemporary debates regarding international relations, world politics and human rights.

Patrick Hayden presents an account of John Rawls's views regarding the nature of social justice among states and the international law and morality he considers necessary in order to secure universal human rights and political stability among individuals and states.

There has been much debate over the last decade about the decline of the nation-state and its implications for a series of norms and relationships that govern our understanding of domestic and international society. The book begins with the premise that it is essential to conceive of new forms of citizenship that challenge the iron link between state, nation, territory and sovereignty, and which are therefore capable of meeting the challenges presented by domestic diversity and transnational integration. The argument is for a form of multinational citizenship that provides equal recognition to the citizenship regimes of state and substate nations through a democratic argument for self-determination at the substate level and a revised conception of state sovereignty that is divided and shared.

This volume focuses on one relationship that has featured prominently in the debate about the decline of the Westaphalian model of the nation-state - citizenship. It argues for a distinctive approach to theories of citizenship.

Ideology draws on the social, political and cultural theory of Jurgen Habermas, Gilles Deleuze and Slavoj i ek in order to explore the possibility of developing a 'critical conception of ideology'. The book is concerned with two main themes: the relationship of ideology to the 'real' and the relationship between ideology and the 'ethical'. Although these three writers are often assumed to have little in common, Porter demonstrates a formal homology between them by showing that they all offer an idea of critique that pivots around two central intuitions. Firstly, they insist that a substantive critical distinction can be drawn between the ideological and the real. And, secondly, Habermas, Deleuze and i ek all offer an image of ideology critique that is importantly grounded on ethical terms. By engaging, among other things, with Habermas's sociological work on the public sphere, i ek's forays into popular culture, and Deleuze's analysis of political cinema, Ideology strives to concretely animate how each of these figures provide the critical tools necessary to challenge the kinds of ideological practice that pervade the contemporary social world.

Ideology draws on the social, political and cultural theory of Jurgen Habermas, Gilles Deleuze and Slavoj Zizek in order to explore the possibility of developing a 'critical conception of ideology'. The book is concerned with two main themes: the relationship of ideology to the 'real' and the relationship between ideology and the 'ethical'. Although these three writers are often assumed to have little in common, Porter demonstrates a formal homology between them by showing that they all offer an idea of critique that pivots around two central intuitions. Firstly, they insist that a substantive critical distinction can be drawn between the ideological and the real. And, secondly, Habermas, Deleuze and Zizek all offer an image of ideology critique that is importantly grounded on ethical terms. By engaging, among other things, with Habermas's sociological work on the public sphere, Zizek's forays into popular culture, and Deleuze's analysis of political cinema, Ideology strives to concretely animate how each of these figures provide the critical tools necessary to challenge the kinds of ideological practice that pervade the contemporary social world.

Hegel's concept of civil society endorses a market economy and a liberal outlook. But his concept of state culminates in an authoritarian prince who is protector of the constitution. The tensions and contradictions that plague Hegel's liberal society that cannot be resolved by its own civil institutions, motivate his conservative authoritarianism.

Hegel's concept of civil society endorses a market economy and a liberal outlook. But his concept of state culminates in an authoritarian prince who is protector of the constitution. The tensions and contradictions that plague Hegel's liberal society that cannot be resolved by its own civil institutions, motivate his conservative authoritarianism.

Examines the use of metaphors of monstrosity and the place of the dead in political theory, specifically in relation to conservatism, Marxism and fascism.

Examines the use of metaphors of monstrosity and the place of the dead in political theory, specifically in relation to conservatism, Marxism and fascism.

This book is the reconstruction of a critical theory of modernity. 'The Theory of Modernity' is divided into four parts: freedom, equality, solidarity and responsibility. The first three follow the basic ideas of the constitutional revolutions of the 18th century.

Offering a contemporary perspective on the theory of modernity that differentiates it from its predecessors, this reconstruction has been expanded to include a fourth instrumental aspect. In addition to the recognition of the three parts of traditional modernity--freedom, equality, and solidarity--that follow the basic ideas of the constitutional revolutions of the 18th century, this updated vision introduces responsibility. Concerning itself with what the sociology of development, risk, and ecological crisis have added to these classical ideas, the addition of the fourth part, responsibility, seeks to recognize the experiences of successive eras, and the 20th century in particular.

Richard Rorty is among the most cited, influential and notorious of recent philosophers. This book seeks to take Rorty seriously as a social and political philosopher, and to argue that his work is not as flippant, as frothy, or as easily dismissed as his opponents often tend to portray it.

Richard Rorty is among the most cited, influential and notorious of recent philosophers. This book seeks to take Rorty seriously as a social and political philosopher, and to argue that his work is not as flippant, as frothy, or as easily dismissed as his opponents often tend to portray it.

Bringing together the contributions of the most influential philosophers in the English-speaking world, this book deals with the contemporary debates about identity formation, multi-culturalism, and diversity. It explores the pacifying role of democratic law-making as a possible solution to the issues of diversity, justice and solidarity.

Bringing together the contributions of the most influential philosophers in the English-speaking world, this book deals with the contemporary debates about identity formation, multi-culturalism, and diversity. It explores the pacifying role of democratic law-making as a possible solution to the issues of diversity, justice and solidarity.

This book is about the morality of groups. The author addresses the conflict and tensions that exist between impartiality and partiality within political philosophy, and ordinary thought and practice by relating theoretical arguments to pressing contemporary practical issues such as immigration and emigration policy.