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This collection brings together work on the relevance of Wittgenstein’s philosophy to the field of Artificial Intelligence (AI). Over two volumes, our contributors cover a wide range of topics from different disciplinary approaches. In this Volume (I), contributions are centred on two major themes in the philosophy of AI: questions of mind and language. Contributions include chapters on AI thought, intentionality, logic and language, as well as the relationship between Wittgenstein’s thought and Turing’s. 

''Chechnya: from Past to Future'' creates a historical framework against which the most pressing issues raised by the Chenchen struggle are considered, including the rights and wrongs of Chechen secessionism, the role of Islamic and Western international agencies in defending human rights, the conduct of the war, changing perceptions of the war against the backdrop of international terrorism, democracy in Chechnya itself and the uncertain fate of democracy in Russia as a whole.

Population is a dangerous political category. It is not separable from the racist and class-based valorisation and devaluation of different lives. From global contraceptive implant programmes to right wing anti-immigration discourses, demographic interpretations of multiple current crises legitimise the states'' grip on childbearing and mobility. The results are complex dimensions of reproductive racism and restrictive border regimes. Meanwhile, global social inequalities and racial capitalist extractivism stay out of the game. 

The book analyses how demographic knowledge production and states’ grip to the variable of population intertwine. It introduces the concept of the Malthusian matrix in order to understand how class-selective and racist hierarchies within population narratives are combined with gendered policies of reproductive bodies and behaviours. 

Several chapters explore current reproductive racism, establishing a hierarchy between the birth of desirable and undesirable people. An upward redistributive family policy in Germany is promoting births within the privileged middle classes. And international population programs revive targets in order to increase the use of long-acting contraceptives in the Global South, within a market-oriented setting of Big Pharma promotion. Reproductive racism is also effective in migration policy strategies: narratives about "migrant birth rates" circulate among ultra-right forces as well as seemingly apolitical demographic policy consultancy. The last sections discuss state-theoretical approaches and the intersectional feminist concept of reproductive justice in order to provide tools for critique and resistance.

The work examines the metapolitics of the Second Cold War. The focus is less on the detailed analysis of diplomatic history and processes in international politics, and more on the underlying attitudes and ideologies that have generated and sustained Cold War 2. The work examines the definition of a Cold War and reasons for the persistence of this form of international politics, as well as the clash over interpretations of the causes of renewed conflict. The work then looks at how this Cold War is being conducted, including renewed militarism, the suppression of dissent, the decline of diplomacy and the reduced opportunities for dialogue. The instruments of the Cold War 2 include sanctions and the reinterpretation of history and memory wars. Many of the familiar methods drawn from Cold War 1 are now applied, but in novel ways to reflect technological change as well as the different ideological contexts. The position of the global South in this Cold War is examined, and the work ends with some reflections on possible ways this Cold War could end.

What do conspiracy theories, algorithms and meritocracy have in common? All three avoid contingency and frantically look for necessities. The COVID-19 crisis has brought about a proliferation of conspiracy theories that reject, among other things, official accounts of the virus’s origins and remedies, and sometimes even the existence of the virus itself. Conspiratorial thinking usually links events to secret plots concocted by powerful conspirators, whether it be Bill Gates or Big Pharma. In this book, I point to another dominant driving force: the desire to find simple and apparently reasonable explanations for phenomena that are actually purely random and contingent. Often, unfounded conspiracy theories emerge because contingency is not accepted, and necessities are looked for at all costs. Nothing happens by chance, and there must be a plan or an intelligent design behind everything.This book deals with ‘contingency phobia’. This special phobia is not only manifest in most unwarranted conspiracy theories, but it also appears, in Western culture, as a recurrent psychological, cognitive and scientific pattern. It is the cause of a variety of other phenomena that have become emblematic for liberal democracies, such as the contemporary algorithm culture or the obsession with merit and ranking. Not only the conspiratorial mindset rejects a world of contingency and strives to create a universe structured by a necessary order; life coaches, algorithm engineers and neoliberal meritocrats all do the same. This book analyses these phenomena by using the same criteria: how do humans deal with contingency and how do they try to establish necessities?Some philosophies, such as Daoism and Zen Buddhism, make unwarranted conspiracy theories quasi-impossible because they find original ways of combining contingency with ontological, theological or cosmological premises. I identify sources that other disciplines examining conspiracy theories, for example, political science, anthropology, psychology or sociology, have rarely seen as primary. Political scientists focus on the macro level and construe conspiracy theories mostly as national or regional phenomena whereas anthropologists, psychologists and sociologists tend to focus on the micro level. The present study is an example of practical philosophy depicting conspiratorial thinking as an organic or a dynamic phenomenon by crystallising cognitive and cultural ‘necessity-contingency patterns’ that can be found in politics, culture, religion and science.