Springer Series in Social Psychology – serie

The Body and Social Psychology provides a critical overviewof the relationship between social psychology and theproblem of the body. The wider implications of bringing thebody out of the conceptual shadows and into the center ofsocial psychological discussions are presented in a way thatmakes this book essential reading for students of socialpsychology, health psychology and related fields.

Books about sports, even those written by scholars, are frequently little more than hagiography. They extol the virtue of athletics for participant and spectator alike. Of greater rarity are those that look critically at the political, social, economic, and psychological underpinnings of contemporary sports. Violence in sports is among the relatively neglected issues of serious study. Sports Violence is perhaps the first collection of scholarly theory and research to examine in detail aggression within and surrounding sports. As such, it seeks to present the broadest possible range of interpretations and perspectives. The book is, therefore, both interdisciplinary and international in scope. Two chapters, by Guttmann and Vamplew, are concerned with historical analyses of sports violence. Definitions and perspectives on aggression in general, and sports-related aggression in particular, are the topics of Chapters 4 through 7 by Smith, Bredemeier, Mark, Bryant, and Lehman, and Mummendey and Mummendey. Here, a wide variety of social and psychological theories are brought to bear on the conceptualization of aggression on the playing field and in the stands. Dunning and Liischen, both sociologists of sport, examine the origins, structure, and functions of violence, of sports, and of their interconnections. Psychological interpreta­ tions and research are presented in chapters by Russell and Keefer, Goldstein, and Kasiarz, while Bryant and Zillmann examine the portrayal and effects of aggression in televised sports.

The ideas presented in this book have been incubating for over 25 years. I was in the first grade, I believe, when the ideas that eventually developed into this social psychology of creativity first began to germinate. The occasion was art class, a weekly Friday afternoon event during which we were given small reproductions of the great masterworks and asked to copy them on notepaper using the standard set of eight Crayola® crayons. I had left kindergarten the year before with encour­ agement from the teacher about developing my potential for artistic creativity. During these Friday afternoon exercises, however, I developed nothing but frus­ tration. Somehow, Da Vinci's "Adoration of the Magi" looked wrong after I'd fin­ ished with it. I wondered where that promised creativity had gone. I began to believe then that the restrictions placed on my artistic endeavors contributed to my loss of interest and spontaneity in art. When, as a social psy­ chologist, I began to study intrinsic motivation, it seemed to me that this moti­ vation to do something for its own sake was the ingredient that had been missing in those strictly regimented art classes. It seemed that intrinsic motivation, as defined by social psychologists, might be essential to creativity. My research pro­ gram since then has given considerable support to that notion. As a result, the social psychology of creativity presented in this book gives prominence to social variables that affect motivational orientation.

My interest in nonverbal behavior has remained constant for over 15 years. I think this has been the case because nonverbal behavior has proved a very fascinating and challenging topic. Others might suggest that I am just a slow learner. With enough time in any area, however, one begins to feel that he or she has some special insights to offer to others. About the time that I was struck with that thought, approximately two and a half years ago, I was developing the first version of my sequential functional model of nonverbal exchange. It seemed to me that the func­ tional model might provide a very useful framework for a book discussing and analyzing nonverbal behavior. I did not want (nor do I think I had the patience) to write a comprehensive review of research on nonverbal behavior. Other works, such as Siegman and Feldstein's (1978) edited Nonverbal Behavior and Commu­ nication, and Harper, Wiens, and Matarazzo's (1978) Nonverbal Communication: The State of the Art, have provided excellent reviews of the research on nonverbal behavior. Instead, what I have tried to do in this book is to use nonverbal behavior as a vehicle for discussing social behavior. In a very real sense, this analysis of nonverbal behavior is a means to an end, not an end in itself. A consequence of this approach is that this review is a selective one, unlike the comprehensive works mentioned earlier.

Research on groups has been a major focus of concern among psychologists and sociologists for many years. The study of groups certainly deserves a central role in these disciplines since much of our behavior occurs in groups and many important social phenomena involve groups. Issues such as leadership, conformity, group decision-making, group task performance, and coalition formation have had a long history of research. However, recently a number of other areas of research have blossomed that provide interesting new perspectives on group processes (e.g., social impact). In addition, topics of research have developed outside the commonly ac­ cepted domain of group dynamics (e.g., self-disclosure) which seem to be concerned with rather basic group processes. Basic Group Processes was designed to bring together in one volume a repre­ sentative sample of the broad range of work currently being done in the area of groups. Some of the chapters provide a review of the literature while others focus more specifically on current programs of research. All, however, provide new insights into basic group processes and a number provide broad integrative schemes. All of the authors were asked to emphasize theoretical issues rather than a detailed presenta­ tion of research. Basic Group Processes suggests that research on groups is a lively enterprise and forging interesting new theoretical and empirical directions.

This century has been characterized by a strong and pervasive belief in "certainty through science. " It is a belief that has been nurtured by philosophers, scientists, and governing bodies alike. And, where vocal reassurance has failed to convince, modem technology has more than compensated. It has, in effect, been a century in at last to be making significant headway toward objective which humankind seemed and enduring truth. Yet, as the century winds toward its conclusion, this optimistic belief has begun to confront a challenging array of attacks. Widespread signals of concern are increasingly evident, and in the philosophy of science little but remnants remain of the bold rationale that once promised truth through method. One now senses a profound alteration taking place in both the concept of knowledge and of science-an alteration that may prove to be as significant as the Copernican revolution, the emergence of Darwinism, or the development of Freudian theory. As a result of the latter transformations, humans are no longer seen as the center of the universe, as essentially different from animals, or as fully conscious of the wellsprings of their activity. In the present case, however, we confront the loss of the human capacity for objective knowledge.

Social scientists are unprepared for many of the ethical problems that arise in their research, and for criticisms of their ethics that seem to ignore such cherished scientific values as objectivity and freedom of inquiry. Yet, they possess method­ ological talent and insight into human nature that can be used to understand and resolve these problems. The contributors to this book demonstrate that criticism of the ethics of social research can stimulate constructive development of meth­ odology. Both volumes of The Ethics of Social Research were written for and by social scientists to show how ethical dilemmas arise in the day-to-day conduct of social research and how they can be resolved. The topics discussed in this book include ethical problems that arise in experiments and sample surveys; the companion volume deals with the ethical issues involved in fieldwork and in the regulation and publication of research. With candor and humor, many of the contributors describe lessons they have learned about themselves, their methods, and their research participants. Collectively, they illustrate that both humanists and detenninists are likely to encounter ethical dilemmas in their research, albeit different ones, and that a blending of detenninistic and humanistic approaches may be needed to solve these dilemmas. The aim of this book is to assist irwestigators in preparing to meet some of the ethical problems that await the unwary. It offers perspectives, values, and guidelines for anticipating problems and devising solutions.

Social scientists are unprepared for many of the ethical problems that arise in their research, and for criticisms of their ethics that seem to ignore such cherished scientific values as objectivity and freedom of inquiry. Yet, they possess method­ ological talent and insight into human nature that can be used to understand and resolve these problems. The contributors to this book demonstrate that criticism of the ethics of social research can stimulate constructive development of meth­ odology. Both volumes of The Ethics of Social Research were written for and by social scientists to show how ethical dilemmas arise in the day-to-day conduct of social research and how they can be resolved. The topics discussed in the companion volume include ethical problems that arise in experiments and sample surveys; this book deals with the ethical issues involved in fieldwork and in the regulation and publication of research. With candor and humor, many of the contributors describe lessons they have learned about themselves, their methods, and their research participants. Collectively, they illustrate that both humanists and determinists are likely to encounter ethical dilemmas in their research, albeit different ones, and that a blending of deterministic and humanistic approaches may be needed to solve these dilemmas. The aim of this book is to assist investigators in preparing to meet some of the ethical problems that await the unwary. It offers perspectives, values, and guidelines for anticipating problems and devising solutions.

In recent years, a great deal has been written on the topic of aggression; another book on the same topic might seem superfluous at this time. However, the present volume is not just-or even primarily-about aggres­ sion. It is, rather, a book on anger. Anger and aggression are closely related phenomena, and it is not possible to discuss one without the other. Yet, not all anger is aggressive, nor can all aggression be attributed to anger. Therefore, somewhat different considerations apply to each. Even more importantly, the type of theoretical generalizations one can make differs depending upon whether the primary focus is on anger or aggression. The present volume is subtitled "an essay on emotion." This indicates that the generalizations to be drawn have more to do with emotional responses (e.g., grief, love, envy, etc.) than with various forms of aggression (e.g., riots, war, crimes of violence, etc.). Stated somewhat differently, anger is here being used as a paradigm case for the study of emotion, not for the study of aggression.

"Seek simplicity and distrust it. " Alfred North Whitehead "It will become all too clear that an ability to see patterns in behavior, an ability that some might feel proud of, can lead more easily to a wrong description than a right one. " William T. Powers The goal of the theorist-the scholar-is to take a collection of observations of the world, and perceive order in them. This process necessarily imposes an artificial simplicity upon those observations. That is, specific observations are weighed differently from each other whenever a theoretical account is abstracted from raw experiences. Some observed events are misunderstood or distorted, others are seen as representing random fluctuations and are ignored, and yet others are viewed as centrally important. This abstraction and oversimplification of reality is inevitable in theory construction. Moreover, the abstracted vision builds upon itself. That is, as a structure begins to emerge from continued observation, the structure itself guides the search for new information. The result is a construction that is more elaborate than what existed before, but it still is usually simpler than reality. It is important for scholars to believe in the value of their task, and in the general correctness of the vision that guides their work. This commitment, and the hope of progress that follows from it, make it possible to continue even when the work is difficult and slow.

This book addresses two lively and active research communities, those concerned with issues of gender and those dealing with nonverbal behavior. The wide range of professional and popular interest in both these topics convinced us that presen­ tations of current work by researchers who bring these two areas of research together would prove stimulating. These presentations not only address the state of current work on gender and nonverbal behavior, but also suggest new avenues of investigation for those interested primarily in either topic. In other words, the questions that nonverbal communication researchers address when considering gender bring new directions to gender-related research and a like effect can be expected when the questions raised in gender studies are applied to research in nonverbal behavior. Dispersion of ideas may take another form as well. Both gender and nonverbal behavior research are notably interdisciplinary. Perhaps because of their pervasive nature, both topics have attracted the attention of a diversity of scholars. Most of the contributions in the present volume are by psychologists, but their intended audience is broad. Linguists, sociologists, and anthropologists are among those who share similar research interests. Moreover, the ideas presented here are of interest to practitioners as well as scholars. From corporations to clinics, people are interested in the subtle expression and negotiation of sex roles through non­ verbal communication.

This book is about the relationship between social psychology and the body. It starts from the assumption that questions to do with the body are of paramount importance for an understanding of social life. At first sight, this is a noncontentious statement to make, and yet a moment's thought shows that social psychology has had very little to say about this subject to date. Why should this be? Is it because the boundaries of the discipline have been drawn very tightly, focusing exclusively upon such things as attitudes and groups? Is it, perhaps, because the body suggests a field of study best left to biologists and physicians? Or is it because social psychology is well advised to steer clear of problems that draw us back from the social toward what are seen as the biological and the prehistory of our discipline? These were some of the questions that were in my mind when 1 decided to write this book. In addition, I was influenced by the experience of researching in the area of chronic illness. There is nothing quite like life­ threatening disease to point up mortality and the issues that arise from having to live with the constraints of one's body. Looking for theoretical ideas to help with this work led me to read in the literature of medical sociology.

This book is concerned with the psychological effects of unemployment. In writing it I had two main aims: (1) to describe theoretical approaches that are relevant to understanding unemployment effects; and (2) to present the re­ sults of studies from a program of research with which I have been closely involved over recent years. In order to meet these aims I have organized the book into two main parts. I discuss background research and theoretical approaches in the first half of the book, beginning with research concerned with the psychological effects of unemployment during the Great Depression and continuing through to a dis­ cussion of more recent contributions. I have not attempted to review the liter­ ature in fine detail. Instead, I refer to some of the landmark studies and to the main theoretical ideas that have been developed. This discussion takes us through theoretical approaches that have emerged from the study of work, employment, and unemployment to a consideration of wider frameworks that can also be applied to further our understanding of unemployment effects.

"Individuals who live in groups hold common beliefs which define their reality, not only as persons, but also as group members. This reality becomes especially important when group members become aware that they share beliefs and are convinced that these beliefs characterize them as a group. In this case common beliefs become group beliefs." With this statement, Dr. Bar-Tal begins his far-reaching analysis of beliefs as a group phenomenon. Group beliefs are shown to have important behavioral, cognitive, and affective implications for group members and the group as a whole. They may contribute to the behavioral direction a group takes, coordinate group activities, determine the intensity and involvement of group members, and influence the way group members affect the leaders. This book introduces and articulates the implications of a new concept of group beliefs, shedding new light on the structure and processes of groups, focusing on such phenomena as group formation, subgrouping, splits, mergence and group disintegration. By taking an interdisciplinary approach, this integrative conception opens new avenues to the study and understanding of group behavior.

This book summarizes theoretical and empirical work that was performed in a large-scale, cross-university research project on the relationship between attitudes and behavior. The entire program has been funded by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG), an institution that operates similarly to the American National Science Foundation. In 1981 the DFGruled to release the project for a five-year period with the option to extend if th~ extension proposal would suggest a major alteration of research goals. The participants are presently in the stage of transition between the first five-year allotment and the granted extension. We feel that this is the most opportune time to summarize the development of the project for an international audience. Until now only scattered publications have existed. This book is more than just a compilation of previously published results. Rather, it is the original contributions and a substantial share of newly published empirical results that guarantee an up-to-date exposition of the entire program. The general goal of the research group is to perform basic research in attaining explanations for the relationships between attitude and behavior and to improve the predictability of current predictor models. In pursuing this goal we are not primarily interested in the immediate strategy of redefining predictor variables within the framework of the general linear statistical model. Rather, we emphasize cognitive processes and structures that predispose a person's behavior, that accompany behavior, or that change as a result of prior behavior.

Intuitive Judgments of Change represents the first systematic attempt to understand how people perceive change. Historically, social psychological work has emphasized the importance of stability and continuity among cognitive elements in analyzing cognitive processes. The author develops an hypothesis together with supporting evidence which suggests that change judgments are unique, ubiquitious, and pose no particular problem for people's cognitive apparatus. Intuitive Judgments of Change offers an innovative direction for future research on a topic which has as yet received little thoughtful attention.

The study of stereotyping and prejudice is a study of human nature, group mem­ bership, and intergroup relationships. It sheds light on each of these aspects of social psychology. With respect to the first two, it has been observed that since groups provide the best framework for satisfying various human needs, individuals continuously organize themselves in collectives. They belong to a variety of groups-many of which they voluntarily select and some to which they are ascribed. Group membership, therefore, is one of the most salient and important of an indi­ vidual's characteristics. The implication of this characteristic is that human beings not only constantly classify other people into group categories, either by identifying membership or constructing their own categories, but also judge and evaluate them on this basis. The stereotypes and prejudice are outcomes of this process. They are the beliefs and attitudes toward members of another group. In addition, the study of stereotyping and prejudice reflects an interest in inter­ group relationships. While we recognize that a discussion of intergroup relation­ ships may focus on behaviors describing actions such as confrontations, violence, wars, cooperation, alliance, negotiation, or coordination, we also believe that each of these intergroup behaviors is mediated by perceptions, beliefs, and attitudes. In the case of intergroup behaviors, the listed actions are not performed instinctively or mindlessly, but are preceded by cognitive processes which, among other outputs, involve the formation of stereotypes and prejudice toward the other group.

This is a book about moods. Though I will define the term somewhat more carefully in Chapter 1, it might help to note here that I use the word "mood" to refer to affective states which do not stimulate the relatively specific response tendencies we associate with "emotions". Instead, moods are pervasive and global, having the capability of influencing a broad range of thought processes and behavior. My interest in mood was provoked initially by the empirical and conceptual contri­ butions of Alice Isen and her colleagues. What fascinated me most was the sugges­ tion first made in a paper by Clark & Isen (1982) that mood seemed to affect behavior in two very different ways, i. e. , mood could "automatically" influence the availabil­ ity of mood-related cognitions and, thereby, behavior, or mood, especially of the "bad" variety, might capture our attention in that if it were sufficiently aversive we might consciously try to get rid of it, a "controlled" or "strategic" response.

It is often said that one of the key determinants of a book's wmth is the extent to which it fulfills the reader's expectations. As such, we welcome this oppor­ tunity to help formulate the expectations of our readers, to express our view of what this book is and what it is not. We believe that fully appreciating this volume requires understanding its mission and how it differs from that of other books on research methodology. We have not prepared a primer on research techniques. We offer no "how­ to" guides for researchers-nothing on how to conduct interviews, how to design studies, or how to analyze data. We also have not prepared a partisan platform documenting "our way" of thinking about research. Very few, if any, attempts at proselytizing may be found in these pages. What we have done, we believe, is to bring together a number of recurring controversial issues about social psychological research-issues that have divided profes­ sionals, puzzled students, and filled the pages of our journals. Few scholars have missed reports arguing the sides of various methodological contro­ versies, such as those surrounding the merits or shortcomings of field research in comparison to laboratory research, the use of role playing as an alternative for studies involving deception, or the value of informed consent procedures, to name only a few examples. Our aim in preparing this volume has been to organize and summarize the salient aspects of these and other impmtant controversial issues.

Several years ago Coleman (1981) reported that in 1979 one of the many in­ ternational cosmetics companies had an annual sales figure of $2. 38 billion, nearly 1. 25 million sales representatives, and over 700 products, the majority of these being for the face. Cash and Cash (1982) noted that in 1979 U. S. consumers spent over $4 million on cosmetic products. They stated that, "Although this practice would seem to be a fascinating aspect of human be­ havior on the basis of its generality and resilience, social-behavioral scientists have largely ignored the phenomenon so plainly (or pleasingly) in front of their eyes. " Why should people be so concerned with their facial appearance? Many psychologists have argued (e. g. , Kleck & Rubenstein, 1975) not only that facial information is usually the first that is available to the perceiver, but also that it is continuously available during social interaction. Maruyama and Miller (1981) stated that "appearance is often the first dimension upon which a stranger can be evaluated. Since people tend to see others as integrated and consistent units, rather than as collections of situation-specific behaviors, a potent and immediately evident basis for an evaluation, such as physical appearance, should intrude into and affect any overall and subsequent evalua­ tion.

In the fall of 1983, we began to organize a symposium entitled "General Social Psychological Theories of Group Behavior." Our goal was to encourage the extension and application of basic current social psychology to group behavior. The symposium was presented in the spring of 1984 at the Eastern Psychological Association convention in Baltimore and the interest that it generated led to discussions with colleagues and friends about similar efforts by social psychologists, eventually resulting in the present book. Some clarification about the contents is in order. First, the theories presented here are clearly social psychological in scope and level of analysis, as discussed in the Introduction (Chapter 1). However, we are not trying to encompass sociological, anthropological, political, or historical theoretical approaches to group behavior. Second, while the theories comprise a wide-ranging and representative, if not quite exhaustive, selection of social psychological theories of group behavior, there are some interesting and general perspectives that are not represented. For example, one perspective that is conspicuous by its absence is some variant of learning theory. Aside from the rare, notable exception (e.g., Buss, 1979), little work currently is being done on group behavior from a learning theoretic perspective. Our inclusion or exclusion of a theory reflects our judgment regarding its currency and accessibility to social psychological researchers.

Serge Moscovici It has recently become commonplace to say that science and its history are one. Nonetheless, in practice things have not changed much. We still behave as ifthe two were not really connected. Or else as if it were hard, not to say impossible, to link them in a single enquiry. In such circumstances the group we constitute and which has undertaken the task of studying the history of social psychology while refor­ mulating its theories represents an experiment. Whether the experiment succeeds or fails, the three aims we have set ourselves are precise: First, we wish to bring up to date the relation between certain topics of psycho­ logical research and their historical context. Second, we will include within the discussion itself and consider critically some authors and works that have become our classics due to their undiminished signifi­ cance and heuristic power. But, in this respect, we also consider that we should depart from the attitude of the physical sciences shared by so many psychologists that past acquisitions have nothing to offer as a basis for research. Only those scholars who have said their say and completed their task indulge in such medita­ tions; therefore work undertaken in this field is unimportant and even illicit. We, on the other hand, are convinced that social psychology is, after all, a social science and that a study based on orthodox theories is still eminently significant.

A neglected topic in the field of personal relationships has been the study of friendships. Social psychologists have studied how and why individuals are attracted to one another and the processes of interaction during initial encounters, but they have not paid much attention to ongoing friend­ ships. A major goal of the present volume is to develop theories and integrate research on the development and maintenance of friendships. Another major goal is to build bridges between social psychologists and other social scientists by presenting an interdisciplinary approach. Although a majority of the contributors are social psychologists, other authors include sociol­ ogists as well as developmental, personality, and clinical psychologists. The chapters also present research on friendship based on a wide range of research methodologies, including laboratory research as well as longi­ tudinal, naturalistic, and clinical studies. Hence, the book incorporates a variety of conceptual and methodological approaches that should con­ tribute to a cross-fertilization of ideas among disciplines. The first chapter, by Barbara A. Winstead and Valerian J. Derlega, provides an overview of theory and research on friendship. The second chapter, by Daniel Perlman and Beverley Fehr, provides a summary and conceptual critique of social psychological theories of social attraction that are relevant to the study of friendship. Adopting a developmental approach, Duane Buhrmester and Wyndol Furman, in Chapter 3, demonstrate the particular importance of friendship during middle childhood and adolescence in fulfilling interpersonal needs.

For a long time I have had the gnawing desire to convey the broad motivational sig­ nificance of the attributional conception that I have espoused and to present fully the argument that this framework has earned a rightful place alongside other leading theories of motivation. Furthermore, recent investigations have yielded insights into the attributional determinants of affect, thus providing the impetus to embark upon a detailed discussion of emotion and to elucidate the relation between emotion and motivation from an attributional perspective. The presentation of a unified theory of motivation and emotion is the goal of this book. My more specific aims in the chapters to follow are to: 1) Outline the basic princi­ ples that I believe characterize an adequate theory of motivation; 2) Convey what I perceive to be the conceptual contributions of the perspective advocated by my col­ leagues and me; 3) Summarize the empirical relations, reach some definitive con­ clusions, and point out the more equivocal empirical associations based on hypotheses derived from our particular attribution theory; and 4) Clarify questions that have been raised about this conception and provide new material for still further scrutiny. In so doing, the building blocks (if any) laid down by the attributional con­ ception will be readily identified and unknown juries of present and future peers can then better determine the value of this scientific product.

It has been over 10 years since we initiated work on our first series of collaborative experiments. As graduate students, we had great fun planning, conducting, and writing this research (Petty & Cacioppo, 1977). We enjoyed arguing with each other at our initial meeting in 1973 and have sub­ sequently become best friends, but neither of us suspected at the time that we would or could actively maintain a research collaboration over the next decade, or that we would now find ourselves in a position to write this monograph. As we note in Chapter 1, we began our studies of persuasion at a time when social psychology was in "crisis," and interest in research on attitude change in particular was declining. As we write this, we are aware of six new volumes on persuasion that are in press or in preparation and that should appear over the next few years. In retrospect, it is not so surprising that research on attitudes and persuasion would reemerge as a central concern of social psychology. We believe that human feelings, beliefs, and behaviors, whether in the domain of interpersonal relations (e. g. , marriage, aggression), politics (e. g. , voting, revolution), health (e. g. , following a medical regimen), or economics (e. g. , consumer purchases) are greatly influenced by the evaluations people have of other people, objects, and issues. Furthermore, evaluations (attitudes) are influenced by affect, cognition, and behavior.

This work has the aim of making facet theory, and the approach to research which derives from it, more accessible to behavioral and social scientists than has been possible in the past. In a first section the book gives the background to the theory and associated methods of analysis, illustrating the major components of the ap­ proach in use. A second section then provides detailed examples of the applications of the facet approach in developmental, clinical, and environmental psychology, as well as in studies of attitudes and mental performance. The third section provides some further technical details on recent developments in the facet approach as well as a computer program listing. The facet approach to social and behavioral research can be traced at least to the late 1940s (as discussed by Gratch, 1973) and the logical principles on which it is based have clear roots in Descartes' algebra and Fisher's experimental designs.

Several years ago, two of my colleagues and I had the opportunity to interview Fritz Heider-perhaps the most influential theorist in the field of social psychology (Harvey, Ickes, & Kidd, 1976). During our interview, Heider affirmed a belief that had guided his career since the 1920s, the belief that the study of human relationships is the most important task in which social scientists can engage. Although many social scientists would profess to share this belief, it is nonetheless true that the study of human relationships has been one of the most neglected tasks in the history of the social sciences-including psychology. What Heider found in the 1920s-that most psychologists acknowledged the importance of studying human relationships but at the same time tended to focus their own research on more "tractable" topics such as memory and cognition-is still very much evident in the 1980s. Even within the more specific domain of social psychology, a majority of researchers still choose to address those hybrid topics ("social cognition," "social categorization and stereotyping," "person memory," etc. ) that relate most directly to traditional areas of psychological research. Still other researchers, while choosing to study such important interpersonal phenomena as altruism, aggression, conflict, and interpersonal attraction, tend to focus so exclusively on these isolated and abstracted phenomena that they fail to provide a more inclusive view of the relationships in which these phenomena occur.